ordination to the interests of capital at home and abroad. For a Lime ministerial resignations and • neo-Bevanite revolt could contain such opposition to the Government within Labourist limbs. But this time the rools of ravolt will be in the trade unions, whose mulitants will be more disposed to translate words into deeds. And this time revolts are likely to crupt carly rather than very late in the lile of the Labour Govemment. Thouch there is likely to ne a All those elements of a transitjonal programme likely to became immediately aptational during the Together with such an Action Programme we should make con sistent propaganda for adl the other elements of a full transitional proe ramme: in particular the question of a workers" Government breaking with capitalism and based on organs of workers power should be a cons istent theme of our propaganda and of our campaign work leg. on Chile and Portugil). Wherever possible
demands in the Action Prog ne would be linked to implemtion from below by the workorganisation in struggle: action mittees, mass pickets, self-defoccupations, workers" control atives ete. The points in the on Programme should be made •levant on a local basis — in connon with the local council, local loyers, etc as on the national Fe do not claim that the dem- outlined above are original, do we deny that they could mproved and extended. What Jo insist is that a revolutionary fronts Relations Act, and for the freeing of the Pentonville Five. They are particular applications, in a specifio relation of forces and division of the worker" movement, of Trotsky's famous formula - Through the united front to the soviets as the lughest form of the united front." Even the demand for A General Strike to Bring Down the Tary Goverament' was not a strategic slogan derived from exceptional circumstances, but a specific application of the axis of the united front within the strategy for the creation of organs of dual Under the present Labour Gorernment it is the building of uniter