Rather countries." ts internationalism.
Little wonder that the Provisomals have not gone beyond the chetto consciousness of the Cathdie masses when the British workng class has in no way extended • hand of solidarity or even raised da voice in protest agrinst the terror campaign waged by the British army for the past five years Serious criticisms must tace up to the real problems involved in the struggle to advance the cause of the Irish people. We disagree with the bombing campaign in Stain because such a campaien ses not help to carry the struggle otward beyond the stage it reach ed in 1972 with the collapse of Stormont, the Northern Ireland Parliament, and the introduction of direct rule by the British Governsent. The bombing campaign is a fact a product of the failure of the Provisional strategy since the atroduction of direct rule. PROVOS At the beginning of the struggle in the north of Ireland, the Provomals were alone in recognising that the struggle for democratic forms would challenge the very existence of the six county state. By focusing on the need to bring down Stormont, the Provisionals wete able to develop the struggle from one about civil rights into one about national liberation.
The traditional idea of Republicanism -that the problem of Ireland was one of domination by Britain -found a ready echo insde the Catholic ghettos shortly after the British troops were sent in in 1969. Coupling this with the IRA's "physical force' tradition, the Provisionals were able to first extend and then take the leadership of the emerging self-defence organisations which had sprung up in the Catholic ghettos.
The existence of these self-defence bodies, and the tying down of the troops in the city centres through the bombing campaign, allowed the masses to mobilise through their own organisations and to create in the Catholic areas alternative organs of power to the institutions of the Orange state. The consequence scrapping of Stormont was a massive victory for the Catholic masses.
WEAKNESSES Traditional Republicanism was able to answer the immediate problems of the Catholic massca because of the direction the str uggle was moving in. But beyond these first steps the weakneses of Republicanism began to come out into the open. The task now was to mobilise the nationalist population north and south around the alternatire power established in the Catholic to-go" areas. Bue this brought up the relationship of the Provos to the southern Irish ruling class -for what was 'N THE WAKE of the Birmingham bombings most of the British left wve fallen over backwards in the rush to take their distance from the Provisional IRA. For Socialist Worker, paper of the International Socalists, the problem is a class one. The Provisional IRA, like middle fans leaders everywhere, encourage the view that the workers of one sountry have something to gain by physical attacks on the workers of Such a position only reinforces the chauvinism of the British workng class. It is true that the Provisionals lack a class analysis but they une managed to lead the mass struggle against British imperialism for he past five years. It is true that they lack a clear internationalist undmstanding but then the British workers' movement is not noted for posed was the reorganisation of the Irish people in a different form of state.
The Provisionals do not understand the relation of the southern Irish bourgeoisie to imperialism.
As a result, all they do in the south is mobilise people in solidarity with the north. The whois collaborationist role of the Free State' is not really challenged, This was revealed clearly during the mass response in the south to the Bloody Sunday massacres by the British Arny in Derry.
Moves towards a general strike and mass mobiisations on the streets were combined with the burning down of the British embassy in a mass demonstration But the Provos did not work to tum this mass anger on the treacherous southern irish ruling class.
The burning of the embassy was allowed to act as a 'safety valve and shortly thereafter the southern Government was ahle to pick up its task of repressing the IRA The Provisionals have never posed any political demands (such as ending the joint actions of the Free State troops on the border. or the recently posed extra-terrilorial courts) to expose the collaboration of southern ruling oration of the southern ruling class and their politicians.
MILITARY BIAS In fact, the Provisionals have no political strategy. Their only concern is the military plan.
No political moves of any sort came out of the Provisional Sinn Fein conference this year, No assessment of the strugele since direct rule was made, despite the victory of the loyalist strike, the fact that the strugele of the masses is al its lowest ehh, and the influence of the reformist and collaborationist SDLP is more or less unchallenged.
But the decline in the mass struggle stems from the fack that the masses don't see a clear way forward, rather than an actual historical defeat of the struggle, The upsurge around internment and Its aftermath showed that.
But the only "ways forward' which are of concern to the Provisionals are military ones. Today. what does this military campaign amount to?
Basically, it meets a new campaip of attacks across the border, and 2 campaign of demoralising the Loyalists on the march-victory of Ulster Workers' Council strike in May passed initiative to them British troops by hitting their This is where the campaign in Britain comes in: the enemy is not lo he allowed to fee at home even in its clubs in Mayfair. fair.
SUBSTITUTE • retreat, for it signifies the inability of the Provos to continue their campaign in the town centres of the north. But the more important thing is that such a mil itary campaign is actually a rubstitute for the political strugale to mobilise the mass of the Irish people had mass backing for their military campain -and even today have a substantial following in the Catholic ghettos- they have never had any notion of how to integrate armed struggle into the mass struggle, Al first, because of their lack of strength, the Provisionals did play a role in the raass organisations. But as soon as they gath cred mass support, they began to counterpose the Provisional army itself to the mass organisations. The way forward that they offered was simply to join the Provisionala. Consequently, the mass of the people were left completely unorganised the recent prison revolt in protest organisation of this action, which more or less paralysed the whole of the prison system in the north. and the courage of those involved (who were well aware that they would be brutalised and tortured by the British Army for their actions) aroused mass actions in the Catholic ghettos, These actions were the higgest since the hey-day of the strupgle in 1972. But they were not organised by the Provisjonals test homes and recreational centres.
Even in military terms, this is Although the Provisionals have grows daily.
British imperialism.
A striking example of this was SELF-DEFENCE against internment. The magnificant Catholics.
The development of these actions could have spelt the end of the internment system; they could have tipped the balance back against withdrawal to prevent disruption the loyalists; they could have sharpened the crisis of British imperial ism in a way which was favourable to the Catholic minority: and they could have revived the struggle in the south, But the obvious willingness of the Catholic minority to exposed. struggle was not given any foeus so the actions burnt out in isolation north from each other under the hammer blows of the British Army, out for Britain, The victory of the loyalist strike in May of this year has passed the intrative to the loyalista in the north. British imperialism is politically unable to move against the loyalists, Its increased repression of the Catholies heightens the #kelthood of a hand-over to the loyalists, which would bring in its their complete and immediate withdrawal, The Provisionals pos ition that there should be pimsed and civil war, completely disorients the masses about the actual direction in which imperialise strategy is moving. withdrawal on the basis of a hand-over to the Loyalists. This strategem has to be completely The bombing campaign in Britain falls into the same crap. It may indeed promote a "troops out sentiment amongst the British people But such a sentiment is more than likely to be a reactionary one, This is indeed what has occurred since the Birmingham bombings (whether or not the Provisionals were responsiblel. Such a reaction ary sentiment can then be used as il cover to Uisterise the war and land things over to the loyalists. AL the same time such actions car only hinder the moves towards a progressive troops out movement which will solidarise with the struEde of the Calholic masses in the RANK-AND-FILE Things are not so bicak. how ever, Developrients are taking place at the buse of the Provisionals. R has been known for some time thar the leadership in the north is much to the left of the traditiona leadership in Dublin. Much of the northern leadership is actually upp osed to the bombing campatien in
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