govemment, attracting a whole bost of carcerists not basod on the working class movement. Many rose high in its ranks. Hy 1970 the number of ex-manual workens amongst Labour MPs had Fallen to 26% compared to 37% in 1945-and even this was much low er that the pre-war figure. The number of Lahour Ml's who were businessmco or in the professions rose to 50.%6 in 1970.
This development witlin the Party has now created a whole stratum of individuRS WOO IA WII TO HL CICT01S0003311 the Lahour Party and the state apparatus, the manapement of the nationa lised indarstries, and even the leadership of private capitalisn. To takc a few promecni osamples Goorge Thomsen hecame an EEC Commissioncr, Richard Marsh became need ot Hritish Rail. Eord Robens was a viciously anti-working class Coal Hoard chief, Ray Gunter was a director ol SocuTiCOT, Gootee Brown w'asinvolTed in IPC, and Hurold Lever is a million aire banıker.
bat more important than the class background of the right is the question of wliere their hase lies.
The old base of the Labour riebt was SEBaT a acoan mocm daca aaa Labour conference, for example, all 75 mesolutions of the leftist Socialist Loague were deleated by the union block vute. In the early 1950% the Revanites could gain in to 133 o the constiruenoy vore on issues like German re-armament and won six out of seven constituency places on the Labour NEC. But every one of their positions was defealed at the lahour conTCICIEC N TIC WHATER LABI LABR The role of the union bureaucrats was so diteet that they determined which of the various contendine neht wir eers sould Joad the Party. They also ensured that none of the lending figures of the ripht would be defeated. In 1953 the таос шлит porcaucras chansea tre rarty canstitution so that Herbert Morrison, de foated by the Bevanites in the 1952 clecbrought onto the NEC as Depury Leader. In 1934 Arthur Deakin, the head of the IGWL , ensured that Gaitskell was elected party Tressurer. This ser Gaitskell on the way to hecoming the Party's leader the foliowite y eur.
The Labour right clearly anderstood where its base of suppert lay. Ar Shin well gratefally fold the 1952 Labour cunjust as he did over the Shrewsbury case ME THET TANE A picket supported three Ford workers arrasted by the Spacial Patrol Group during the one-day angineering strike in May when they came up at Barking magistrated court on Monday. Right-wing Home Secretary Jenkins has backed this police action Photo: PETER HARRAP (Reportl uving living standards.
sam boyd GUARANTEED Groups of workers ntow need to fight for at least a 30% increase to keep pace with the soaring cost of Not only that, they need to fight for a measure of guaranteed and automatic protection against inflation that goes far beyond the miserable £2.80 already won by some workers through the thresh old agreements. This means the fight for a stiding scale of wages.
What does Labour propose in the face of this? The TUC document on the Social Contract reade: *The 12-month interval between major increases should in general continue to apply: Secondly, the document says that no pay ciaim should aim to inercase workens' When working cluss living standarda have fallen 29195 since Labour came in in March, when they're going to fall 5 W% this year with unemployment souring, the TUC have made a cloice to bale nut the bosses.
FALLS APART
But there the deception falle apart. The employers, it seems, are not very taken by the Soclal Contract. Only the directors of one branch of Turner and Newall, the giant engineering firm, have had the gall to ask "What about the Social Contract?" in the face of a pay claim from their workers.
The rest of the ruling class know that pieces of paper drawn up by in kind. the Lahour Party and the TUC won't deter tens of thousands of workers from launching massive struggles Kather than do battle in the future when the crisis really bites, tbe Ford and how completely we get on top of the cconomic problemus. He means it depends on how quickly the Social Contract forces down living standards = puy now, Jive later?
SCARED
The ruling class may be running scared of the crisis. But in the strug gles to come, they won't be fighting the Labour Party. Christopher Mayhew and Lord Chalfont have cut and run from the Labour Party not beceuse a Labour Government will usher in the revolution but becausc they know it will be too weak to stem the tide of working class strugple in the next few months. Similarly, when Tory leader Heath called Wilson's refusal to be drawn on the idea of a coal ition 'an open déclaration of class war he had no illusions that the generals of the working class army will come from the Labour Party In the coming confrontation, militants should rely only on their own strength and not look to Labour. Yet again Wilson has turned up to the part unsuitably dressed.
Sad Laen dod
----- pull-quotes -----
YOU IM THE HORKING