Imperialism, Stalinism and the Permanent Revolution, by John Robens (IMG Red Pamphlets, 30p)/Brian Grogan What is Permanent Revolution? The popular stalinist version is that it is no more than an injunction everywhere and at all times to make trary, because of the role of the bourgeoisie on the insurrection. Maoists claim that it is a story about the continuing anti-bureaucratic struggles after the revolution. And state capitalists limit the theory to the colonial revolution when led directly by the working class.
In fact it is none of these. As John Robens points out in this pamphlet: The theory of Permanent Revolution as developed by Trotsky is the political expression of the fundamental economic realities of capitalism as it exists in the epoch of imperialism. In particular it analyses the operation within the imperialist cesses in the light of the realities of the 1970%. not oniy in the colonial and semi-colonial coun- the abolition of all classes. It is ludicrous to tries but also in the bureaucratised workers" states and even in the advanced imperialat countries themselves.
THE 'WHOLE The author's fundamental approach is the insistence that the world can only be scientifically understood from the point of view of the every economy, every social formation is merely an original combination' of elements which are operative on a world scale. It is totally incorrect - and leads to disastrous political consequences - to examine in isolation, as do the Communist parties of the world, the specific features of any particular country and proceed from there. In fact the various roads to socialism' flow from the way that world procees combine in a particular country, and not by way of exception from some abstract 'norm'.
For instance, it does not flow from the fact that there is a predominance of peasants in the colonial world, that the economy is at a particularly low level of development, etc., that a socialist revolution is ruled out. On the cona world scale, the role of imperialism on a world scale and the level of development of the productive forces on a world scale, not only is it possible for a socialist revolution to take place, but it is only through the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat that the antifeudal, anti-imperialist and democratic tasks can be brought to successful fruition. Such is the lesson of the October Revolution. Such is the continuing message of the Chinese, Cuban, and Vietnamese revolutions.
COVER dominant on a world scale. Socialism means believe that the incomparably greater division of labour required for this could be achieved In one country alone. In reality, the theory that socialism could be built in a single country turns out to be no more than a cover to further the interests of a small bureaucratic caste which has crystallised in the workers' states, signifying their degeneration, Inside Left a an occasional column of polemic and debate. It wil appear from this, not only for the workers states themselves but also for the world revolution. The peculiar need of the hureaucracy to accommodate itself to imperialism whilst preventing any independent activity of the masses in the workers' states, finds its expression in the polities of the Communist parties of the various countries equally opposed to the independent activity of the masses and seeking collaboration with "their' bourgeoisie, The attempt to straitjacket the world revolution in the interests of 'peaceful coexistence' in this way, can only weaken tbe workers" states. Consequently, both the defence of the workers" states and the furthering of the world revolution demands a political revolution in these states to smash the bureaucracy and to re-establish the norms of workers democracy. ACTUALITY It is only by taking account of all these features of the colonial and bureaucratised workers" states that we can even begin to make sense of the advanced imperialist countries themselves. Without understanding the intimate relation of politics and economics on a world acale, the fact of the long boom in the advanced capitalist countries can appear, and indeed for many so-called Marxists did appear, to invalidate Marxism and the thesis of the Permanent Revolution. IE is true that some of Trotsky's conjunctural pro jections were in error and, in some cases, grossy in error. However, it is not... the test of Trotsky's theory .., whether he made a precisely correct analysis of a given conjuncture, It is a question of whether the concepts of the theory of permanent revolution are capable of Ramelson is anhelievably kind to the 'lefts". He cor rectly states that it is not fruitful to attack the 'lefts" as if they were the main coomy. But he bases this on the incredible assertion that they are not part of the is to distinguish berween allies who cordist Corors c Judgement from enemies of the working class. Perhaps little" incidents like the last year's engineer. ing wage struggle can bu discissed as an terror of problematic.' (p.6l)
Nothing which has happened since 1945 defies explanation within Trotsky's fundamental categories - as Robens shows through an analysis of the economic and political development since that time. The combined nuture of post-war development could only lay the basis for new and more severe crises, the beginnings of which we are witnessing today. It is this which under: lies the present rise of workers' struggles tbroughout the advanced capitalist countries, placing on the agenda in the next period the conquest of power by the working class in the imperialist heartlands themselves. In sum the pamphlet shows that the central core of the thesis of Permanent Revolution is the "actuality of the revolution" in a world scale. The problem is that to attempt such a task in 130 pages demands tremendous compression of the very complicated argumentation required. Nevertheless the pamphlet repays careful study and fulfils its opening promise to show us the power of Trotsky's theory of Permanent Revolution. "There are of course, a thousand and one explanations of particular parts of thia process. Theories range from the invincible nature of Mao-Tsetung thought to Shachtmanite theories of advancing barharism from the East. How ever, none of these can explain the real relatior. of processes as diverse as the events of May-Jun in France, the Tet offensive in Vietnam and the Ruasian invasion of Caechoslovakia to take the events only of one year. Only the theory of permanent revolution allows us to analyse beyoud the 'externul appearance of these events and analyse their 'inner coherence, In short only Trotsky's concept of the world revolution ary process satisties the conditions which MuTx laid down for a truly scientific theory of world revolution.' (p.6)
Jones and the other "lefts" only 'errors of judgement" The salvatic of the working class movement the only way to reverse the defeats of the past six months (sustained despite Ramelson': considerable shift to the left?) in the struggles that he ahead will be the effective organtastion of the mass of die working-class and their potential allies.
The crucial questions facing the trade union movemen ane those that flow from this fact: how can the
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epoch of the law of uneven and combined deve- None of this, however, means that it is possible lopment." (p.8) The pamphlet aims to examine to establish a socialist society in one or a small the adequacy of this expression of historic pro- group of countries whilst imperialism is still