outlined at a press conference on Monday night by (l to r) Mrs Feeney Imother of hunger striker Hughl, Claire Price (sister of Dolours and Marion), and Mrs Price. A picket calling for the hunger strikers' re patriation to Ireland is being held every night at 6 pm outside Roy Jenkins's house in Ladbroke Square, W.11, and there will be a rally and march this Sunday, starting from Speakers Corner at 3 pm. THE SUNNINGDALE AGREEMENT has collapsed of its own contradictions. It consisted of a series of intricately linked illusions, and when one of these was seriously challenged its downfall was inevitable.
Wilson and his Irish Secretary Merlyn Rees had based their strategy on the assumption that what was happening was just a rough patch In the implementation of Sunningdale, and that if they balanced delicately enough between the contending forces it would pull through.
For this reason they were reluctant to take decisive action against the loyalist strike, only being pushed Into half-measures by the SDLP. This reluctance was most clearly demonstrated in Derry when workers were trying to get to work without the benefit of Len Murray, and his TV cameras. The Army refused to dismantle loyalist barricades, and even fired rubber bullets at the workers when they refused to disperse!
The crisis of Sunningdale reflected the split in Unionism based on the conflict of deep-rooted economic interests. The sections of the bourgcoisie whose investments are most tied up with British capital support Britain's attempts to reform the State, and move towards a new deal with the South of Ireland. But there is a vast social layer based on small capital, tied up in family businesses and small farms. They oppose reform, and want to maintain the old status que.
PROTESTANT WORKERS Sepurate from these two groups is The protestant working class, which holds a virtual monopoly on the skilled jobs, and has benefited from the privileges dispensed by the protestant ascendancy. Their domination by sectarianism, and total lack of any independent working class poistical tradition means that these The Price sisters — as well as four other Irish prisoners on hunger strike - are now in a critical condition. The latest situation was of reference set by one of the two main bourgeois blocs. It was their almost inevitable support for the anti-Sunningdale forces which doomed the plan from the start.
At the Assembly elections the Faulkner Unionists, on an ambiguous platform, won about 50% of the identifiable protestant votes. But as the implications of the British White Paper on the future of the North became clear, and the power-sharing Executive was formed, Faulkner's support crumbled. He lost control of the Unionist Party, and then had a general election thrust upon him by the crisis in Britain. He won a mere 20% of the protestant vote.
Meanwhile, at the grass roots the loyalists were te-organising, and a new lougher leadership was emerging. In February 1973 the Loyalist Association of Workers had called a one-day strike against the White Paper. In a confrontation with the British workers can only act within the terms Army five men were killed, one of heavy industry but to resign. actually declined.
GAVIN ROBINSON answers some objections raised on the left. them a protestant fireman. The protestant population sank back in disarray-they were not prepared for such a confrontation with the BOLD ACTION At this point the pro-Sunningdale forces had their most fuvourable opportunity to win over the protestunt workers. But they did nothing. apart from a weak appeal during the General Election, by Sandy Scott of the Northern Ireland Labour Party. He urged the protestant workers to give up part of the ascendancy, in return for the British patronage necessary to maintain Northern Irish But it was far too late. The Uster Workers Council had already arisen ftom the ashes of LAW, and hard men' of the clandestine Ulster Volunteer Force had stiffened the backhone of the open para-military organisations such as the Ulster Defence Asociation. With the 'moral' victory of the general election the loyalist workers were ready for bold The current general strike was initiated by the loyalist workers, but in a close alliance with loyalist middle-class and bourgeois forces. When it became clear that the protestant middle class was behind the strike, Faulkner had little choice Catholic opposition to Sunningdale had also grown steadily. The SDLP, in the absence of any substantial Republican challenge at the polls, won 83% of the catholic vote at the Assembly clections, representing 22% of the total poll. They won 23.2% of the total poll at the general clection, but they received a substantial proportion of middle-cluss, pro-Sunningdale, votes. Their clec- offensive toral support amongst catholica But the real politics of the catholles are expressed in the streets. They voted SDIP only because they hoped for immediate relief from the British Army and internment, BLATANT REPRESSION Instead the repression has never relaxed, and the efforts of the Army to root out the IRA have succeeded in uniting the catholics behind the Republican Movement The capitulation of the SDLP on the question of the full implementa tion of the Council of Ireland was probably their last fatal mistake. It was presented as a concession to the loyalists, but it was nothing of the kind. Faulkner was never in favour of the full Council. He wanted to maintain as much of the old set-up in the North as the British Government would accept.
The Dublin Government knows that it cannot solve the crisis in the North and will strensously oppose a British pull-out. Despite the bombings in Dublin and Monaghan, the increased repression against Republicans and the broad popular resentment over such issues as the Price sisters, there is no significant opposition to the pro-British policies of the Coalition and the main opposition party Fianna Fail.
If there is a pogrom aguinst the catholic ghettoes in the North, there could be broad mobilisations, demanding that the Government assist the catholics. But it is unlikely that this would seriously undermine the Coalition's strategy NEXT TO LAST CRISIS Whatever the Labour Government's response to the present crisis, it will be followed hy a new explosion of catholic opposition.
If the Army breaks the strike the catholics will be encouraged by the defeat of the loyalists, who would be fragmented and demoralised, and probably rendered incapable of further resistance, If they try to sit out the strike until it collapses of its own contradictions, there will still be mass support behind a renewed Republican If they capitulate to the strikers, they will not only spark off flaming resentment amongst the catholics, but they will also undermine the position of the Southern Government The present crisis is probably not the last in the 800 yeurs of Ireland's British problem-but it could be the next to last.