IMGpapers 1968–75

Newspapers of the International Marxist Group and its forerunners, 1968–75

THE WATERGATE CRUNCH COMES CLOSER

· Red Weekly No. 41, 1 March 1974 · p. 7 of the scan · 1,737 words

The scan: rw-no41-mar-1-1974.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

Uncorrected machine reading. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from a scan of a newspaper page, and the page was cut into articles by machine, at the headlines found by their type size. Nothing has been corrected: expect misread words, text from a neighbouring article, and titles that are the machine reading of the headline, some of them only fragments. Quote from the scan, not from this page.
How this article was cut and titled: headline found by type size in the OCR geometry (split_tabloid.py); 2-6 of 6; machine-segmented newspaper page; uncorrected Vision OCR.

page 7 of the scan

If Watergate proves anythring, it is the validity of the Foster Dulles "domino" theory, as each unfolding scandal exposes yet another. Most of Nixon's former top cronies are now either inmates of America's penal institutions or destined to become so. The president himself could face various charges carrying a total of 137 years in jail!

The third-rate bunglers who messed up Watergate committed the cardinal sin-they got caught. Furthermore, they got caught using their power against the other capitalist politicians of the Democratic Party. for so long a key instrument of the American ruling class.

Nixon had surrounded himself with the representatives of the 'new money. These were the brash, highly motivated supporters, and often, the actual products of West Coast and Southern wealth. These "cowboys'. however, went too far. Use of the State machine against radical groups and minorities is one thing, Bugging the Democratic Party, and phone-tapping trusted civil servants and military brass, is quite another.

Such actions sent shivers of alarm through sections of the American ruling class, The Nixonites" appropriation of the enormous power of the executive for their own narrow interests threatened to undermine the myths on which the continuation of capitalist democracy is so dependent.

Advanced capitalist society is based on a compound of repressive force and political persuasion. As long as important sections of the population can be persuaded to put their faith in the istitutions of capitalism, then so-called capitalist democracy is the least expenisve and most preferable form of rule.

The shattering disciosures following the Watergate revelations, however, have seriously affected people's confidence in these myths. They have also occurred at a critical time for America's rulers, Forced back in South East Asia, and plagued by inflation, growing unemployment and a fast developing energy crisis, they need the maximum room for manoeuvre. Internationally, the United States faces sharper competition for the world markets and a rising hostility to its imperialist. policies by millions of oppressed Cambodia at a moment's notice. Decisions such as sending the marines people. The halcyon days when dissidents at home could be silenced by mobilising patriotic hysteria have aiso gone.

To operate successfully in this complex and fast changing situation, the ruling class must be able to move speedily and decisively. It needs to be able to throw its bombers into its function of acting as the guarddog of the interests of American capitalism at home and abroad, it for the ruling class. The concentrawill be made.

on both counts, They used their power not only to line their own pockets, but also to discredit other sections of the capitalist class IGNEN at the way the Nixon practorian guard sealed off the President, the more sophisticated sections of the ruling class saw Watergate as a way and making Nixon more amenable of American capitalism initiated has however taken on a into the Dominican Republic or the mining at Haiphong Harbour cannot he delayed by congressional debates.

If the American State is to fulfil like canaries. must of necessity invest ever greater power in the hands of its executive, But this need introduces big dangers tion of this power increases the danger both that it will he misused and that big tactical and strategical errors Nixon and his nides were guilty against the President.

Furthermore, their hardline policies clashed with the idcas of important sections of the ruling class who fayout on us.

MICHELL oured a more "liberal" line, Inflamed of bringing the Nixon aides to heel, to a consensus of the overall interests The process they allowed to he powerful dynamic of its own, Trained in the fundamental ethos of capitalism, the Nixonite underlings firmly believe in self survival. And showing a marked reluctance to detend their bosses, they have sung Dean is still being questioned and now has to face only one possible charge, that of perjury - and that only if he is found to be lying about Nixon. The fact that special prosecutor Jaworski continues to question Dean is strong evidence that the White House tapes he has so far obtained do not contradict Dean's testimony As for Ehrlichman, Newrweek commented: "He's been without a paycheck for a long time' -a disturbing predicament for a fervent believer in capitalism! A staff member at the White House has stated: "A lot of people here are worried about John." A more realistic colleague sadly remarked: "He's copped The quick ditching of Spiro Ag new has also rattied other former Nixon acolytes and made them look for new ways of saving their skins.

Meanwhile, Nixon's prestige continues to plummet. A Gallup poll released early this month showed only 26 per cent who still approved of Nixon's performance as President. A Roper poll last December found 62 per cent in favour of cither his resignation or impeachment. Republican congressman William Hudut bitterly complained: "People he is trying to persuade laugh al him." He added: "They say "Who are you to talk about saving energy or election neighbour is sufficient evidence for arrest as an NLF agent. It is rune for prisoners to be tried, and carer still for any to be set froe. Many of them are tortured as well Needless to say, the cost of this fantas tie operation is very high, but the expeses fact, the US controls the police and prison system both cconomically and administratively. At least 1.000 US 'advisers" ane employod in running the system: U5 computors centralise information and records: and US money buys recruits to the police force and enables them to be trained USAID documents make it quite clear that Washington is concerned not menely survillance but also to increase it further.

Out of the 23 points of the cosactire agreement signed in January 1973, only one artick (number 8) dealt with the position of political prisoners, and that only vety sketchily. Yet since then, one Revolutionary Government (PRG) in the Saipon discussions has been to agitare for their rolcase, Indood, mis was ooc DE lEU three demands which the PRG requested its international supporters to push forward as key to the successful development BATTLE FOR CITIES The importance attached to the prisonens is a reflection of the objectine conditions in South Vietnam following the liberation of almost all the rural arcas by the NEF. The dominant feature of the present period of the struggle is now the barcle Alteady thie beginnings of a serious sean in the strikes of urban workers and the demonstrations by students, intelleccuals and even the Cathalic and Buddhist diles who formerly constiruted Thieu's main power hise, Many of diese grouping indentity strongly with the NLF. while (soctons of the petit-bourgeoise and intelligenisia) are objectively playing a cole which als the revolutionary process Il b wichin this framowork that the importance of the peicase of the political prisoners lies. All of them are opponunt: al Thieu, and many une handened NIF cadre (although there is rosan to believe that a large number of captured NUF membert were mandered before the coase brul. Dehors wen prominent baders of reform."* So the congressmen and senators wail anxiously for their go-ahead from the bourgeoisie of the Fast Coast sea-board, the real owners of America's wealth, and in effect its real rulers. A discredited President carries negligible influence at home and is viewed with suspicion on the international scene. His ability to pain congressional approval for his actions is nil.

But there can be no turning back of the clock to give Congress more powers. The need for the use of secrecy and the concentration of executive authority is determined by the interests of monopoly capital. ism, and it cannot be constrained by sectional or local interests.

The jettisoning of Nixon presents Immense problems for the ruling class. A resignation would, us one commentator remarked, be seen as a capitulation to 'minority influence", He did add, however, that he was opposed to giving in even to majority influence'. In other words you cannot have the mass of the people interfering in who runs the country.

And impeachment carries its own dangers. Further scandals and dirtydealings would undoubtedly be revealed, Who knows what other powerful individuals and corporations an impeached President might not implicate to save his own skin.

One hundred and thirty seven years is a long time, And Richard M Nixon is unlikely to go down as a light-lipped capitalist martyr. Alter all, it would be against the best cap italist traditions of individualism. TJEFF KING Lopposition groupings before thir arrust.

The release of these men and women, as well as the thousands of other prisoners who have been politicised in the jails, would give a massive boost to the urban resistance, crystallising out the opposition and accelerating its development into an orpanised fotoe. This would establish the conditions for a strong intervention by the NEF into the cities, and successful completion of the next phase of the MANOEUVRES -This is why the PRG lays sach steess resorted to all manner of tactics to hold up their nelcase. Al first he simply deniod thoir existence, claiming that there were no political prisoners in South Vietnam. To gire this clain some vestige of legitim acy, he replaced the category of 'political prisoner" with that of 'special common doers". Moreover, in the legal statutes the expression charged with being an agent tor the communists was altered to distur beng the public order'.

When this manoeurre was exposed, Thien astematically sabolaped the jaint discussions for as long as possible. Theo, when it became evident chat he would bave to agree to the release of some prisoners, South Vietnamese bombers release zones. The final ploy was to insist that all sekoasod prisoners, wherever they came from, should be sent to PRG zones in an attempt to minimise the threat to his However, there are still almost 300,000 Amnesty International estimate that of these at least 200,000 have heen there for several years, Furthermore, some 50.000 people have simply disappeared" since the ceasetine.

Thiou was farced to release the recent batch of 400 by the weight of international condemnation and the NEF's bargsining strcigth. The rest must also be released. With tho unalding or the noxt and powa rially final phase of the revolation in Vietnam, it la vital that the demand for the release of the political prisoners should be an integral part of the activities of the solidarity movement.

Red Weekly 1 March 1974 Page 7

← THE WORKERS' RESISTANCE N CHILEForce Thieu to release prisoners. →

Something wrong on this page?