Last week we reported in Red Weekly that the Newcastle Trades Council is planning to revive the Workers Chromicle, the paper which it produced during the 1926 general strike. This is an indication that ever-wider layers within the workers movement realise that we are cutering of struggle.
It also serves as u timely reminder that the nine brief days of the 1926 general strike were a period of unparalleled working class combativity and creativity from which we have much 10 learn CRISIS AND SHOWDOWN For the first two years after the First World War boom conditions prevailed throughout British industry, The new strength and fighting spirit of the trade union movement combined with these favourable conditions to produce some important working class victories. The power of the Triple Industrial Allance of the miners, railmen, and transport workers was such that the mere threat of unilei sinke allied was sullicit to make lad Government retreat. Thus the Alliance was able to succesfully challenge Government policy on luch key questions as intervention against the Russian Revolution, conscription, and the mining industry Howeler, towards the end of 1920 the boom came to a sudden end and Botish capitalism was plunged into crisis, The ruling claw and its Government were determined to force the working class to bear the cost of this crisis, and prepared for a showdown with the trade union movement. Henceforth the threat of industrial action would not be enough. Is 1921 the showdown came over the Govern mile dection to femow war link controls from the mining industry, Thrus encouraging the owners to smash the system of national. wage rates that had been built up during the war and impose drastic wage outs through new delnct arteemens Once azain the Friole Alliance threatened to strike but this time the Goverment called their blull.
On 15 April "Bluck'Friday*- the union bureaucrats showed their true faces by calling off their planned strike on a flimsy pretext and abandoning the miners to the tender mercies of the Government and the coa owners.
This treachery was a trumendous disaster for: the trade union movement and the entire workine cLass. In one year unemployment shot up from 25 to almost 13%, Between 1921 and 1926 it was never less than 10% Prices were falling in these years-by about 25% between 421 and 1926 hat the defeat of "Black Friday meant that the employes could posh Pulice aback strikers in Liverpool. This was the sort of thing that went on where there was no Workers' Defence Corps. In a lown like Methil, Fife where 700 strikers, under the command of ex army NCOs and armed with pick handles, regularily patrolled the strents the police were very cooperate and tha triester bif without incitient. wages down evenmore rapidly, wiping out the gains won by hard strugelo in the post-wur years. Not surprisingly, the trade union movement look a beating. The TUC affiliated unias lost more than 2 million members a third of their total membership, between 1921 and 1926.
NEW CONFRONTATION Temporarily checked on the Industrial front the working class turned to electoral action But the country's first Lahour Government, formed in 1924. was short lived and a total failure, Jes political dependence on the Liberal Party in Parliamentary leaders ensured that Thus it was that 1925 saw a renewed prospect of mass, industrial action. The miners made proposals for a new industrial alliance, and discussions were opened with the transport unions (TWU and the railway unions! and the engineers. Plans went ahead, and the Alliance was broadened to include the clectricians. foundry worker and iron and steel workers But I.H. Thomas succeeded in pulling the NUR out of this scheme, Under the gusdance of Ernest Bevin of the Transport and General Warkers the new Viance was founded on an claborate constitution. This was designed to avoid another Black Foday" fiasco, but it meant that the Allisnce was burdened with a series of time-consuming, bureaucratic procedures. So, alter more man a scar or arcussons, cun Terences and ballots, the Alliance was still no more than an embryo when the store of the general strike broke, Meanwbile the muners were again engaged in strugele, In the summer of 1925 the coal owners gave notice of drastic wage cuts and the ending of the national minimum wage The miners turned to the TUC for support, and the General Council pledged support, In the event of a coal lockout, it was agreed that an embargo would he imposed on all coai movements:
But the Tory Government. under Stanley Baldwin, did not yet feel ready for such a fight. So, taking a leaf out of Lloyd freerge s book they dewded to play for time. As Thoma Jones, the depury secretary to the cabinet during these years, wrote shorlly aflerwands:
In July 1925 the Government were threatened with 'a concerted attick by the big Unions. The Country was it informed as to the merits of the cral dispute and the Government was uncertain as to how far it could rely nails emerpency prepamtins, A breathing space was obtained by means of a sulisily and the This plan was accepted by the TUC and the miners. and was horabded as d great victory. The day of as announcement was lahelled Red Friday in an effort to was away the ugly memurles of 'Black Friday".
GOVERNMENT PREPARES But the rot that gave birth to "Black Friday' was still firmly implanted at the very heart of the trade union leadership. The Governient usod the breathing space to burt up its emergency preparations through the peaclivation and reorgansation of the Supply and Transport Organisation (the body which it had used to prepare for a general strike in 1919 and 1921) and the encouragement of the tenofficial' Organisation for the Maintenance of Supplies which was sponsorsed by praminent Tories and drew on the services of the newly-created British Fascist) The trade untions did nothing Indeed, some trade union "leaders" actively opposed prepartion! I.J. Thomas, the railwaymen's leader, attacked those who called for preparation less than one month belure the strike hegan. w.iastead of orgabising. mobilising and encouraging the feeling that war was inevilahle, let them concentrate on hading a solution hobourable und satistectory to all sides.
The Government's Royal Commission reported in March 1926. I stressed the netficient and uneconomic nature of the industry, and called for a long-term scheme of reorganisation. Al the same time it called for an end to the Government subsidy, and insisted that the miners had to bear the burdens of the industry's problems by accepting wage curs The commission, however, did support the principle of The Government played a tricky game, offering to back the Report provided that those engaged in this industry with whom the decision primarily rests- agree to accept the Report. But both the mineowners and the miners rejected the Report, the former hecatse of the provisions for a national wage sgreement the latter because of its insistence on wage cuts and well-founded doubts about the abunty of the owners to carry throtigh any serious reorpanisation, Negotiations hetween the miners and the owaets rapidiy broke down, ad lockout notices were posted, to become effective on GOVERNMENT STANDS FIRM The TUC did not back the miners" stand. Instead they tried to porsuade the miners to accept the Report an i hasis for setflement, provided that marantees were given on reorganisation, and urged the Government to intervene along THESE LUES Howerer the refasal of the coulowners to budge and of the Govemment to intervene meant that such a compromise was impossible. Relucally, the TUC had to throw its weight bellind the miners cause. Thus moves were made to call a meeting of trade union executives, which agreed tod sympatbene general strike to begin on 4 May The TUC still hoped to negotiate a last minute compromise. But the Government-aware of the reluctance with which the TUC leaders were taking this action and confident in the thorou ehness of their own preparations wanted a showdown.
The actitude of the TEC Leaders can be gleaned from a statement of Thomas, made after one ПЕРОЧИ E SESSOE suppose ny usual critics will say that Thomas was almost grovelling, and it is troe, In all my king ex. perience...I never begged and pleaded like 1 begged and pleaded all day to-day, and 1 pleaded not alone hecause I believed in the case of the miners, but Does in meaner scic tac my cuts co che country involved it"
The Govertmen: knew that their greatest weapon in thisstruggle was the trade union burcaucrate deep sented fear of any action that challenged Paramen tary Goverement" (Le. cam Lalist class ruiet, It would be accurate to say that the TUC bureaucrats were more afraid of the general strike than was the Governmeat. Thus, a snon as the general stoke cult went out, the Government hroke off negotiations with the TUC and refused to renew them until de strike was called. The union bureaucrats VS The remnants of a car that had been caught on a s Council, but it was completely necessary to establ defeating the Government were literally booted, whimpering and whining. by the Governent into calling the sinke.
RANK-AND-FILE FIGHT The attitude of the rank-and file was totally different. They responded to the strike call with magniticent unity and ingenuity. All across the country local Councils of Action au joint strike commutrees were set up to cun the strike. Local daily bulletins were published to replace the scab capitalist newspapers. The regulation of road traffic handling of essential supplies, and mass picketing of scab operations were organised. In many uneas Workers Defence Corps were formed to protect the strikers against police attack Rather than being cocouraged hy these developments, the bureaucrats were even more terrified. They issued their own newspaper the British Worker, consisting mainly of dry re solutions and statements from the TUC, and issued orders that nothing excopt chis material was to be published locally to receipe for making workers totally dependent on the Govern ment's scah Brizish Gazerre or Jocal seah papeis since the British Worker was not available in many locabities and carried attle nows). The fears which were in the minds of the bureaucrats were voiced by J.H Thamas the day after the strike was called off: •What I dreaded about risis strike more than anything else was this If by any chance it should have got put of the hands of those who would be able to exercise some control, every sane man knows what would have happened. I thank God it never did that is wny socire that ne accion vestenay- wa such a big decision, and that a why that danger, that Tear always in our minds...
The reality of this foar was atreased by Charles Dukes of the General and Municipal Worken, who commented 'every day that the strike pro ceeded the control and anthonty of that dis pace was passing ooror toe nanes or tagan sible Executives...
BUREAUCRATS SELL-OUT
Rather than lose control of the struegle, the burcacerals were prepared to wreck the shovement. From the very beginning of the strike they sought to renew contact with the
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• period of intense class struggle similar to that of the early 1920's and requiring similar methods