wage for non-piece workers should not be less than 5s. a day for men and 2s. for boys.
Strike.
Any further reduction in the MFGB proposed After the strike began the Government undertook to organise a joint meeting of the miners and coal-owners, but the coal-owners were unprepared to make any concessions and, as before, the MGB felt it could not retreat beyond its original claim. The Government then decided to resolve the matter by bringing in a bill which would establish the principle The MFGB executive hoped that the Govern-: ment might meet their demands and urged Asquith to incorporate their proposed rates into the bill. The Government refused, however, arbitration machinery to fix District rates. Attempts by Labour MPs to insert the MFGB proposals during the Parliamentary debate were frustration, the MFGB called on Labour MPs to vote against the bill, but it was carried by combined Liberal and Tory votes on 26 March Germany.
Faced with the enactment of the minimum wage but in such a way that it met few of their actual demands, the leaders of the MFGB were in a quandary. A special conference decided to The violent tensions which marked t memories of thousands. Yet the vita organisations like the National Front Union of Fascists, in the first article The roots of British fascism stretch far back through a variety of strange conceptions and many weird groupings which sprang up in the early years of this century. It was not until the mid-1920s that it first appeared as any kind of organised force, with the British Fascisti' and its offspring, who provided stewards for Tory rallies and strike-breakers in 1926. But at this stage they remained marginal to the armoury of the ruling class, the State relying instead on its police and judiciary, along with the trade union bureaucracy, to defeat the General It was only with the onset of the spectacular economic crisis of 1931 that the picture began to change-and drastically. The depression destroyed the aspirations of the Ramsey MacDonald government, forcing a bitter debate within the ruling Labour Party. As overseas markets disintegrated, and unemployment reached 2½ million, the aristocratic Oswald Mosley abandoned high office and established the New Party to campaign for tight government controls over credit and currency. Mosley's prestige amongst bourgeois statesmen rapidly began to attract dissidents from the mainstream parties, who enthused over the solutions offered by his new organisation for capitalism in crisis. The project foundered, however, when the ruling class turned decisively towards a coalition ("national' government as a solution to its problems. Virtually deserted, Mosley then began to experiment with the "corporate state' theories of continental fascism, and visited its adherents in Italy and On his return, with simple ceremony, he inaugurated the British Union of Fascists on 1 October 1932—his 'instrument of steel'. In a series of violent raids, the BUF rapidly wiped out its main rivals on the extreme right
The executive, unwilling to take the responsibility for calling off the strike but even more unwilling to lead a fight against the Government, decided to crawl under the constitutional stone: they claimed that since it required a 2/3 majority to begin a strike the same was required to keep it going, and, therefore, 'seeing that a two-thirds majority is not in favour of the continuance of the strike, and acting upon that vote, we advise the resumption of work."
ruggle against fascism in the streets of Britain in the 1930s still survive today in the ctical lessons flowing from these conflicts, increasingly important with the rise of I remain unclear to many. Below, TOM CAMERON looks at the rise of the British twc-part series. Next week: Cable Street and after. 1 Recruiting with speed, it proclaimed its programme for 'modern' capitalist rule. WHAT FASCISM OFFERED A stream of publications now detailed Mosley's proposals for a rapid transition to managed capitalism-not unlike the "New Deal' in the USA-via the introduction of one party dictatorship and state incorporation of the trade unions. His 'revolutionary creed' proposed a 'National Corporation' sub-divided into 23 industrial "Corporations' with 'trade union sides and a re-styled parliament representing 23 'Occupations,' under a retained Crown. 1 Only with this machinery could a massive public works scheme be initiated to absorb unemployment and impose controls over banking and foreign investment. As the BUF's paper Blackshirt declared: "Fascism retains the benefits of privately controlled capital... though it lays down definite limits within which capitalism might operate. 2 For the workers, guaranteed work and a National Health Service contained real attractions. These measures were presented as liberating the pent-up passions of 'Youth' and 'Science', so long frustrated by the 'Old Gang' of politicians.
TRADITIONALIST LAYER As the black vans of the BUF took this message out into the streets, a traditionalist layer of the middle class together with sections of the ruling class proper began to prick up their ears. The black-shirted Mosleyites appeared to be ahead of the National Government-which despite protectionist tariffs and controlled currency relled primanly on natural market forces to revive the economy-and offered a practical, though brutal, return to the glory of Empire. Though the prospects for British capitalism were already Improving again arter one stump memories of 1931 were sharp, unemployment was still high, and the proletariat were growing restive. In a gathering rush, money began to So ended the 1912 strike. As the MFGB had expected, the Government's bill turned out to be a serious defeat. After months of futile negotiation the District boards were unable to agree on minimum rates, and so the matter passed to the 'independent' Government-appointed chairman, who invariably fixed rates substantially below the miners' demands and, in some cases, even below the Ss. and 2s. level.
The defeat of the 1912 strike was engineered by pour into the BUF's coffers from anxious mo ustrausts.
Prominent figures in this period who (openly, or according to persistent rumour) provided finance for the Mosleyites included Sir William Morris (later Lord Nuffield), a powerful capitalist in motor manufacture; Sir A.V. Roe aircraft industry; Lord Incheape, shipping and insurance; Lord Rothermere, national newspapers; and the management of Courtaulds, the textiles firm. 3 But another factor also demanded consideration. Each fascist rally, each demonstration, encountered opposition and protests from the militant left. A new BUF office in Walworth was picketed by angry workers for two weeks. The labour movement was slowly waking up to the Mosleyite threat. But it was to be very seriously impeded here by elements within its own ranks.
tions of the working class was only just ending. Hitler's advent to power in Germany in 1933 shook British social democracy, but throughout the period of Mosley's rise the Labour Party confined domestic anti-fascism to paper denunciations. Indeed, it advised workers to avoid clashes with the BUF, and pointed to the 'equal" dangers of communism. This seriously damaged the development of an action-based anti-fascist campaign, although a number of local Labour Parties took part in various mobilisations against Mosley at this time. Further to the left, the Communist Party had been dreadfully hampered by the Moscow inspired ultra-leftism which had already wrecked class unity for their German comrades in the face of Hitlerism. Mosley and the socialfascist Labour Party had been condemned simultaneously: "The Communist Party leads the fight against Fascism in every country where Fascism has shown itself. Social Democracy surrenders to Fascism and passes one of the most important weapons in the hands of the ruling class the loyalty of the trade union leadership to the basic institutions of ruling class political power (Parliament, the Government, the Law) and the confusion that exists in the minds of many workers about the true nature of these institutions.
The Asquith Government was prepared to use force against the miners. The Home Office was in regular contact with local Chief Constables and had advised them the previous autumn to enrol special constables in anticipation of a strike. Plans were laid to move troops into the coal fields, if necessary. Tom Mann, a prominent revolutionary working class leader who had played an important part in the Cambrian Coal dispute and the transport and railway struggles of 1911, was arrested along with a number of his associates and prosecuted for issuing a leaflet calling on soldiers not to shoot down workers.
However, with the full accompaniment of a concerted press propaganda campaign, the Government wanted to play the last of its 'democratic' cards before resorting to naked force.
Despite the fact that the miners leaders saw through the manoeuvre of the Government's bill, they were unable to lead a struggle against the Government and the Parliament to which they were so deeply attached-even though it meant selling their membership down the river.
The miners in the coalfields thus found themselves disoriented by the Government's trick and demoralised by the refusal of their leadership' to lead. One out of every five miners who had voted in the original strike ballot found himself unable to make up his mind in this situation and simply failed to vote. Many others decided it was best to call it a day. The fact that a majority stuck out for continuing the strike is powerful testimony to the determination and fighting spirit of the rank-and-file. But once the leaders decided to retreat the rank-and-file were left with no alternative but to follow these traitors to defeat.
All of these elements will appear again in the coming industrial struggles. The Government over to Fascism ... the Trades Union Congress Citrine-Cramp-Bevin line of co-operation with capitalism already contains in germ the whole line of Fascism ... the British Labour Party is already assisting the development of the British capitalist state in the direction of Fascism, warned Palme-Dutt. 4 RANK-AND-FILE Both before and after the abandonment of this "Third Period' line, following the seventh (and final) Congress of the Communist International in 1935, the CPB perceived "fascism' in the anti-working class legislation of the British government as well as in the BUF, and often also in Trotskyism. These confusions however could not deter substantial activity by CP members in demonstrations specifically directed against Mosley.
By 1934, a Printing and Allied Trades AntiFascist Movement was functioning among print workers. Its objectives, where they concerned the Mosleyites, included work in all sections of the printing trade by forming a group in each chapel for the purpose of building a mass anti-fascist movement... organising in our Trade Unions for the following demands ... to secure the closing down of Fascist barracks; to organise with a view to ensuring full suppor for all workers who refuse to print or handle any Fascist propaganda... to co-operate with the continental workers in every way possible in their heroic struggle against fascist terror. 5 ANTI-JEWISH CAMPAIGN By mid-1934, the BUF had turned to fierce campaigning against the Jews in Britain. Their 'philosophical' paper later theorised: "Talmudic materialism. in Karl Marx, the son, the grandson, and the great-grandson of Rabbis... reveals itself by the hand of Jewish organisers and Tatar executioners in the Communist Revolution ... Communism is Judaeo-Asiatic. Out of the East it comes, like a poisonous vapour 6 Several alarmed leaders of the Jewish bourgeois community arranged private talks with Mosely's deputy, Forgan, to try to -avert the danger, but the mass of Jewish workers increasingly threw their weight behind the anti-BUF mobilisations of their class. Incidents multiplied as fascists and antifascists clashed with mounting ferocity. 10,000 marched against a huge BUF rally at will try and use the Parliamentary tricks (like a general election) and exploit the hold of capitalist ideas over the trade union leaders, and the influence of these ideas among the rank-and-file, to split and confuse the movement. In most cases the "leaders" will run away from a fight of this sort (indeed, many are already doing so). Unless there exists a powerful, organised rank-and-file leadership inside the working class movement, with clear ideas about the nature of the struggle and the nature of the capitalist state and its institutionsthe Government, Parliament and the Law-such manoeuvres will probably succeed. Elected strike committees, local and national gatherings of rank-and-file representatives, local Councils of Action based on representatives from the whole labour movement, must all be built before and during the coming struggles. While the official leadership is actually leading the fight these rank-and-file bodies can work alongside them, strengthening the struggle; when the officials move to sell-out, the organised rank-and-file must be prepared to take over the leadership.
But in order to do this they must understand that Parliament-and any Government basing itself on that Parliament-represents the interests of the capitalist class. The interests of the working class are represented only by their own struggle and the organisations that are created out of that struggle. Only when that is clearly understood will the working class movement be able to defeat the Parliamentary manoeuvres of the ruling class and its Government.
Today we have two central sets of tasks to carry out to ensure the victory of the working class movement: to fight the influence of capitalist ideas in the labour movement and expose the nature of the capitalist state, on the one hand, and to destroy the ability of the trade union 'leadership' to mislead and betray by propelling forward the independent organisa tion of the rank-and-file at every opportunity in the struggle, on the other. This is the way to ensure that the tragedy of 1912 is not repeated in the great strikes of 1974.
BRIAN SLOCOCK Olympia on 7 June 1934. Blackshirt stewards tossed hecklers bodily down staircases, and injured workers were treated by anti-fascist doctors to avoid hospitalisation and police detection. Membership of Mosley's movement now ran to 20-30,000 on paper, with a small Fascist Union of British Workers' established and links with overseas sympathisers through a 'New Empire Union.' It is clear that by late 1935 the funds of the BUF had begun to sag, as the gently easing economic climate dissuaded individual capitalists from further large-scale investment in the movement. But the momentum of the fascist cause was too great to brake sharply. Attracting widespread acclaim, the blackshirts prepared for victory within the coming months.
October 1936 We stood at Gardiner's Corner, We stood and watched the crowds We stood at Gardiner's Corner, Firm, solid, voices loud.
Came the marching of the blackshirts, Came the pounding of their feet, Came the sound of rutfians marching Where the five roads-meet.
We thought of many refugees fleeing from the fascist hordes, The maimed, the sick the young, the old, Those who had fought the fascist lords ‚So we stopped them there at Gardiner's We fought and won our way.
We fought the baton charges No fascist passed that day!
Milly Harris Taken from Elders, a 'collection of poems by elder citizens compiled by chris searle and avalable at 25p plus 5p (p&p) from Centerprise, 34 Daiston La London, E.8 Red Weekly 14 December 1973 Page 5
Statement by the United Secretariat
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WORKING CLASS DISUNITY An era of savage disunity between the organisa-