IMGpapers 1968–75

Newspapers of the International Marxist Group and its forerunners, 1968–75

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Red Weekly No. 123, 30 October 1975 · p. 2 of the scan · 1,024 words

The scan: rw-no123-oct-30-1975.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

Uncorrected machine reading. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from a scan of a newspaper page, and the page was cut into articles by machine, at the headlines found by their type size. Nothing has been corrected: expect misread words, text from a neighbouring article, and titles that are the machine reading of the headline, some of them only fragments. Quote from the scan, not from this page.
How this article was cut and titled: headline found by type size in the OCR geometry (split_tabloid.py); 1-2 of 6; machine-segmented newspaper page; uncorrected Vision OCR.

page 2 of the scan

However, Juan Carlos has not got the political skills, personal prestige, and historic connection with the regime that allowed Franco to hold it together for so long. So Juan Carlos, in order to survive, will have to make certain concessions to those forces both inside the regime and within the capitalist class as a whole - who are urging a limited process of 'democratisation of the dictatorship.

What these forces want is not a real granting of democratic rights to the working class, but a phoney "democratic' face-lift for the dictat* orship. But we should remember that this was also the plan of the Portuguese capitalists after the 25 April coup brought down Caetano.

If anything Juan Carlos has an even poorer chance of pulling off this manoeuvre than did Portugal's General Spinola. For Spinola was at least associated with opposition to me aemoteame are aoe to rest on the Armed Forces Movement, which had great prestige because it had physically overthrown the hated dictatorship.

IMPLACATED Juan Carlos, on the other hand, has been openly linked with the Franco regime up until his last When the regime was threatened with a grave crisis during the recent international protests against its execution of anti-fascist militants, Juan Carlos meekly trotted alongside Franco in public appearances designed to bolster the regime's image, thus underwriting its most bloody and repressive Under these circumstances there is little hope that the Spanish masses will accept Juan Carlos and his gang as 'democratic champions. Rather they will see through their manoeuvres ane become even more determined to fight for the complete destruction of the Francoist regime and conquer real democratic rights through their own struggle.

It is possible already to foresee what will be the major issues of conflict in the coming months - issues around which the fight between the heirs of Franco and the opponents of Francoism will become locked in a life-or-death battle. These include:

A Polit al prisoners: One of the main legacies of Francoism are the thousands of political prisoners, in jail for nothing more than opposition to the regime. Juan Carlos will undoubtedly 'celebrate' his coronation by freeing some political prisoners, but the Spanish masses have already made clear their determination that all fighters against the fascist order must be freed.

& COMBATES Madrid, May Day 1936. Civil war is approaching. Hundreds of thousands of socialist militants demonsuate. now soon will we see scenes ke mis acain in soain: - and this time, will the revolutionary organisa tion exist that can lead the Spanish masses to the victorious socialist revolution?

The responsibilities that lie on une snoulders or the trotskyists in Spain and Portugal today are heavy. In Spain only they can combat the reformist illusions that a 'democratic alliance with sections of the capitalist class can destrov the heirs of the General Franco is dead. But it is equally clear that his reactionary regime will live on. His successor as head of the the Spanish state will be Prince Juan Carlos who, in accordance with plans drawn up by Franco personally, will take over as king.

BFree trade unions: the Spanish working class does not have even the most basic trade union rights. The main job of the state-controlled sindicatos is to police the working class and stamp out any independent militancy.

Juan Carlos may continue the moves unal nave already been made to allow free elections of representatives at the lowest level. But the working class has already declared its support for the principle of free trade unions by building the independent workers commissions and voting massively for opposition candidates in sindicato elections whenever they have the chance. They will insist on the purging of all reactionary sindicato officials, the holding of free and democratic elections for union officials at all levels, and the thoroughgoing re-organisation of the sindicatos so that they can become genuine fighting bodies for the interests of the working C Dissolution of the repressive bodies: Juan Carlos may try to pull back on the leash of the paramilitary Civil Guards and the political police of the BPS a bit. But he and the Spanish ruling class will insist on keeping intact these bodies, so valuable in the past for defending the class interests of the capitalists. But the Spanish masses will not have any faith in a 'democratic regime that openly bases itself on the butchers and torturers of Francoism, and will launch big struggles to ensure the total liquidation of these bodies.

DRight of association: Juan Carlos will probably grant legal status to a number of capitalist opposition groups as part of efforts to give the regime a 'democratic' image. But he will try to withhold such rights from workers organisations like the Communist and Socialist Parties unless they first agree to underwrite his regime.

Revolutionary socialist groups and propaganda will almost certainly remain illegal. A big fight will be mounted for the full and unconditional right of association and propaganda by all organisations and tendencies of the workers E Elections and the Government:

Juan Carlos will put together a government of 'liberal' supporters of Franco, and might even draw up plans for future elections to the Cortes, the virtually powerless 'parliament'. The reformists of the Conmunist and Socialist Parties will insist that they be admitted to such a government and allowed to take part in the elections.

Franco dictatorship. Only they will campaion tor the independent struc die ano class orcanisation or tRe workers.

In this struggle, the revolutionary press - as the central instrument of propaganda and agitation - will pla a decisive role. Our comrades of the LCH-CIA vI aready produce and distrioute clandestine v in soaln a monmiy paper, compate fotruggle/ Now they have launched an urgent appeal for funds to improve Combate and produce it fortnightly.

We particularly appeal for donations to our Iberian Fund this week To dia Ens develooment or me ror sKvIst Dress in spain. lected so far for our comrades in Portucal and soain stands at 2200.53 Please give generously - the address is: Red Weekly (Iberia), 182 Pentonville Road, London N.1. red weekly 30 october 1975

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