central fight against the £6 norm, they - together with the Institute of Workers Control - have decided to make a campaign 'in defence of the Labour Party Manifesto'. There is no doubt that this is receiving quite significant support within the working class. It represents the most substantial move towards left wing organisation within the Labour Party since early 1960s. Revolutionary socialists therefore have to have a clear attitude towards such a campaign.
In terms of the social forces which it represents, there is no doubt that the Manifesto campaign is the first beginning of a movement towards the development of an organised trade union and political left inside the Labour Party. As such it contains the most diverse political forces, ranging from hardened personally ambitious bureaucrats through to confused left reformists and centrists, to other forces who hold positions which place them close to the revolutionary left.
There is also no doubt about the dynamic of this movement — it, together with a whole series of other forces, will undergo a progressive development and differentiation which will take it well away from its present base. As such the Manifesto campaign is just one of the first small symptoms of what will develop, quite regardless of what revolutionary socialists desire, during the coming period. It will be absolutely necessary for revolutionary socialists to attempt to influence those who will be attracted around the Manifesto campaign, and to work with them on all issues where agreement can exist - for example, currently on unemployment and against the Healey measures, on Portugal, on abortion, in the Medical Committee against Private Practice.
REACTIONARY POSITIONS If we come to the actual political basis of the Manifesto campaign, however, it is quite clear that this cannot be supported. Of course the Manifesto does contain isolated good proposals - for example, the nationalisation of shipbuilding and aircraft production; and the original version of the Industry Bill proposals on opening the books which, while limited, no socialist would have any hesitation in supporting.
Nevertheless, built right into the heart even of the economic sections of the Manifesto, were measures which were not only not socialist policies of nationalisation of the economy, but which were directly against the interests of the working class - for example, the wage restraint policies of the Social Contract. As for right reactionary.
ported. fact go far beyond the Manifesto. sections not so directly on the economy - for example on Ireland, NATO and the position of women in society - the Manifesto contained positions that were downNo campaign whose basis includes the defence of these positions can be politically supThe crucial question, however, is — will the 'Manifesto campaign confine itself to the policies it is estab. lished on or will it begin to go beyond them? Already some of the proposals put forward for 'implementing the Manifesto' - for example, the proposals put to the IWC conference, or Heffer's demand for public control of the banking system - do raise demands which in LABOUR'S INDEPENDENT WEEKLY