IMGpapers 1968–75

Newspapers of the International Marxist Group and its forerunners, 1968–75

McGovern, the elections, and Indochina

The Red Mole Vol. 3, No. 46, 24 July 1972 · p. 2 of the scan · 1,041 words

The scan: v03n46-jul-24-1972.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

Uncorrected machine reading. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from a scan of a newspaper page, and the page was cut into articles by machine, at the headlines found by their type size. Nothing has been corrected: expect misread words, text from a neighbouring article, and titles that are the machine reading of the headline, some of them only fragments. Quote from the scan, not from this page.
How this article was cut and titled: headline found by type size in the OCR geometry (split_tabloid.py); 1-2 of 4; machine-segmented newspaper page; uncorrected Vision OCR.

page 2 of the scan

As expected George McGovern is the Democratic candidate for the American Presidency. but it would be foolish to imagine that his easy success in Miani could be repeated in the November elections. In the first place there are few signs that the American ruling class as a whole is at the present prepared for a new New Deal, and secondly in the international stakes Nixon is still ahead: while McGovern benefited from the fall of Quang Tri, the Peking and Moscow primaries were solidly in Nixon's favour.

Without doubt one of the key factors determining the result of the November elections is going to be the war in Indo-China. There can be little doubt that a Democrat administration in the White House would mean that the ruling class had decided on a quick withdrawal from Vietnam. Certainly McGovern himself was quite unequivocal in his speech at the convention where he pledged an immediate halt to the bombing and a total withdrawal within three months. The phenoEDITORIAL COMMITTEE: Tariq Ali, Robin Blackburn, Peter Gowan, Alan Jones, Martin Meteyard, John Weal, Judith White.

DESIGN: David Craddock/Dave Edmunds DISTRIBUTION: Phil Sanders Published by Relgocrest for The Red Mole, 182 Pentonville Road, London N.1.

01-837 6954 Printed by F.J. Litho (T.U.) Ltd., 182 Pentonville Road, London N.I. menal applause which greeted this statement provides us with a clue as regards the popularity of such a move and the consequences if this turned out to be yet another unfulfilled election promise.

The key to the solution, however, rests essentially with the Vietnamese militants. Up till now they have refused to accept a settlement which would result in a continued U.S. presence in Indochina, but the pressure 'on them is enormous. Both Peking and Moscow have been pressurising them in their different ways to accept a negotiated settlement with Nixon, and Moscow has even remarked that Nixon is genuinely interested in peace. This in addition to the (heavy bombing, including the bombing of the Red River dykes, puts the Vietnamese fighters in a cruel dilemma. It must be clear to them that a settlement on Nixon's terms would not only damage their own struggle but would be a blow against the world revolution and would undoubtedly put Nixon back in the White House. If, however, Kissinger's latest mission results in an acceptance of the PR's demands, they have nothing to lose. Clearly Nixon understands the importance of the Vietnamese and realises that if the war continues it lessens his chances of getting re-elected. The next period is therefore likely to see a whole number of manoeuvres by the U.S. government designed once again to put the blame for the continuing bombing on the victims of the B-52's If the Vietnamese continue to reject Nixon's terms and the war continues at its present pace then George MeGovern could prove to be an extremely is being partially decided on the battlefields of Indochina.

However the internal problems of American capitalism have forced its upholders to think seriously for temporary solutions. John Kenneth Galbraith, by far the most sophisticated spokesman for advanced sections of the ruling class, is quite open about the periodic crises which afflict capitalism and which require solution. In an interview with a newspaper correspondent during the Democratic convention he outlined three points: "One - we no longer believe that the U.S. has a mission to stand guard against Communism in the third world.

Two - we are rejecting the old notion that we can solve all our problems by economic growth.

And three - we now accept that the present system of income distribution under unfettered capitalism is no longer tolerable." Evening Standard 12 July 1972 Thus a section of the Democratic Party is very consciously trying to revive the old populist strain which ran through American politics in the Thirties. For instance the display of solidarity at Miami with the struggle of the Mexican workers in California, who have called for a nationwide lettuce boycott in protest against the farmers refusal to allow unionisation was quite unprecedented. Certainly few leading Labour Party politicians in this country have called for similar boycotts at party conferences in recent years. It would also be naive to imagion that there is universal capitalist displeasure with McGovern on account of his unorthodox supporters, who have left behind their indisputable mark on the 1972 Democratic convention.

Undoubtedly a large number of young people radicalised in 1968 have gone into the point of view of the American ruling class this is infinitely to be preferred to them entering the Socialist Workers Party or other leftist organisations. McGovern thus very consciously aids in the integration of some components of the radicalisation within the structures of bouregois politics. Even if he doesn't win the 1972 election this fact alone can be regarded as no mean achievement.

What this means, of course, is that the revolutionary left has to systematically expos the very basis of capitalist politics. On the que tion of Indochina the imperialist nature of th war has to be always stressed so that socialists at any rate, understand that while McGovern is in favour of a withdrawal and some of his supporters in favour of an immediate withdrawal, the reasons for this are rooted in the political and military reversals which imperialism has suffered at the hands of the Nation al Liberation Front. They must understand that McGovern represents that section of the ruling class which regards a continuation of the war as counter to the medium term interests of U.S. capitalism. Unless these facts are explained and further spelt out and unless revolutionists differentiate themselves very clearly in the anti-war movement from McGovernism there will be a serious demoralisation within their own ranks. These are some of the lessons which can be learnt from McGovern's success in winning over large numbers of "radicalised youth" behind his banners.

Given the immense importance of Indochina the Fourth International will be organising a further series of demonstrations in the autum throughout Western Europe and North A mer These will coincide with the last phase of the elections in the United States and it is important that these are supported and attended by all organisations which stand with the Vietnamese people against America

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