In the weeks since the imposition of direct rule the Tories have had a chance to assess the effects of the abrogation of Orange Law, apd the achievements of Whitelaw. As the last issue of The Red Mole pointed out, the key element which forced them to change their strategy was the fact that they could not defeat the IRA without first isolating it from the mass of the Catholic minority (a difficult and longterm task), and the effects of the Provisionals" renewedmilitary campaign had made it obvious that some desperate short term remedy was required. When the Unionists stood out against the transfer of security the Goverment had no choice but to push past them.
But in tryingto persuade them to accept Heath's package, and in trying to minimise the resistance within the ranks of their own parliamentary party, the Tories lost vital time. The renewed military offensive has gained an impetus, which although it wavered, was not significantly affected by the new policy. The attitudes of the minority have not been deeply affected either, c.g. the supposed mass resistance by the women of Andersonstown to the carrying on of the campaign was simply a propaganda froth, which has disappeared leaving no trace on the course of events. The British press made much of this story; of course, it failed to report the fact that the Stormont Min Relations was: and that this in the Cathos ment is well aware of the hollowness of such stunts, which they promote solely for home consumption.
The continued high level of military struggle tish govern pose precisely those troy any hope of a breach between the IRA and the masses. The shooting of Joseph McCann, and the reaction to it, was symptomatic of the dilemma which the Army faces. If it sits back and waits the IRA will have a breathing spell during which to train volunteers, and strengthen its defences. If it attempts to hit back at the IRA, even on the level of one sortie into the Falls, or the arrest of only a handful of volunteers, it will disperse any remaining ilusions within the ghettoes about Whitelaw's intentions, and fan hotter the hatred for the British army, and the government which stands behind it.
THE FREE DERRY COMMUNE It has been during this period, when the Tories hoped to achieve a de-escalation in the struggle, that the most important political initiative has been taken; the announcement by the Provisionals of a system of direct elections to establish a popular authority in the barricaded areas of Bogside, Creggan and Brandywell. In making a proper assessment of this development it is important to emphasise the very particular nature of the Derry ghettoes. The gecgraphical layout of the city makes it easy to barricade off and defend the catholic areas. The proximity of the border makes supply lines, and a potential reserve of defenders much closer. It is in Derry that the contradictions of the Northern Ireland state have been most mercilessly clear; its catholic majority had been gerrymandered out of any power within the city, it suffered from the economic decline of the area west of the Bann; even in good times its reliance on shirt manufacture meant an abysmally low level of male employment. As Northern Ireland's second city the discrimination it suffered in comparison to Belfast underlined, for its nationalist inhabitants, the real nature of their imprisonment within the Orange State. It is no accident that it was in Derry on October Sth, 1968, that the RUC Riot Squad bore down on a peaceful civil rights march. beating their shields with their clubs and screaming "Fenian Bastards"; thus plunging the North into the crisis from which it seems likely never to recover. In Derry too the bloodiest event in the struggle so far, the massacre of thirteen men, took place. Official IRA patrol in the Turf Lodge Estate in Belfast, which the Army denies is a "no-go" area.
The pushing forward of the resistance in Derry is of prime importance. The establishment of community control is one of the ways in which the masses of the oppressed minority will be drawn into a revolutionary struggle, and their resistance will be consolidated. Free Derry wil not only be a powerful example for the rest of the Irish people, but will be a focus for soliderity which would tion of the the South Although the example of Derry is spreading. (there have been reports of Army action to prevent the barricading off of areas of Belfast), the fact that the particular factors which exist in Sespread both the British Army and the Orange thugs. To succeed elsewhere a greater reliance on outside help would be needed, thus a pre-condition for an extended "commune" situation in Belfast would be mass support in the 26 Counties, Britain and elsewhere, and a political conjuncture in which the British government would be unwilling to move against the ghettoes. Such a possibility is not excluded, but it requires a much deeper level of political awareness amongst the masses and a broader involvement in struggle than exists at present. Given time the Derry Commune could help to create this, but time is extremely short.
For these reasons British imperialism will probably attempt to crush the Bogside/Creggan Commune before it develops much further. Reports of Paratroop exercises in Britain, when soldiers were dropped into a housing estate in Colchester in the middle of the night, are a sinister hint of the methods which could be used. It should be crystal clear to everyone; the developments in Derry are a dagger aimed al the heart of British rule in Ireland, and are the most important challenge to the present policy of the Tories. If resistance in Derry is defeated then the twin blights of disillusion and fear could begin to wither the solidarity of the Northern minority, and the IRA could be separated from its mass base of support. British imperialism will go to any lengths to win such a battle, and could wreak such a vengeance that the Derry Massacre will seem mild in comparison.
Therefore the more the Tories try to change the situation the more it remains the same. As we pointed out in the last issue of The Red Mole the imposition of direct rule does no more than eliminate the institution of Stormont, leaving the Unionist State, and the contradictions which flow from it, untouched. British imperialism is going to be forced willy nilly into further attacks on, and repression against the catholic minority.
PAPER VANGUARD?
It is more clear now that so far as its impact within Northern Ireland is concerned, the much feared protestant "backlash" has been a paper tiger. This was completely foreseeable, given an understanding of the Ulster Vanguard, and its leadership. The pre-condition for protestant mobilisation was that great" men should call it forth. There is no real tradition amongst the Orange masses of independent political activity; they have seen their advancement, and the defence of their privileges as indissolubly tied up with the Unionist Party and the Orange Order.
While it is true that there have been innumerable splinters from this bloc, either to the right or left, ail have been limited in size and have been unable for long to sustain political activity outside the traditional organisations. The same is true of military activity. There have always been a fair percentage of fanatical extremists but their armed organisations have been fragmented, mutually hostile, and limited to a small fringe. The protestants always relied on the RUC, and the "B' specials to do the job, ie., they always relied on the Orange State, That is why it took such a solid political figure as Craig to create the Vanguard, and why he had to have the support of the Orange Order to do it; the inclusion of the Loyalist Association of Workers was a useful, but not essential, piece of demagogy. Craig and his allies are extremely reactionary bourgeois politicians, but despite the ragged posturing of the Vanguard rallies, they are not going to launch a real struggle for an independent "Ulster', and they have no desire to lead a violent confrontation with either the Catholic ghettoes, or the British Army. Their purpose in creating this movement is to put pressure on the Tory government. While it cannot be excluded that the masses they have mobilised will go beyond their plans, and become involved in violent clashes, this would be against their wishes, and they would attempt to prevent and stop it. Thus one of the recurrent dreams about the situation in the North, that the protestant workers, finding themselves in conflict with the British troops will suddenly realise their common interests with the Catholic workers, is likely to remain just a dream. And the main target so far as the British Army is concerned will continue to be the Catholic ghettoes in general, and Bogside/Creggan in particular. THE WAR COMES HOME But in building up a head of steam for his campaign Craig is turning to a potential reservoir of support -in Britain. The sustained propaganda of the British press during the period from July 1970 to February 1972, when the Army was trying to crush the resistance of the minority by military means, has had a deep and residual effect on sections of the British population. It has not only deepened the sectarianism of traditionally sectarian areas like Glasgow and Liverpool, but it has won a large chunk of the lumpen middle class to hatred for the IRA, and support for "our boys". Within the Tory Party itself support for the Unionists' "case" has solidified, and there is a lobby for a return to complete anti-minority policies. Craig realises that pressure put on the Tories in Britain will be much more effective than opposition in the Six Counties. He recalls the Home Rule crisis of 1912, and the way in which the Liberal Government was forced to back down by a combination of the drilling of the UVF, and the resistance by large sections of the British ruling class, and middle class. The major difference in the present situation is that the main reason for the defeat of the Home Rule Bill was the development of a deep split in the ruling class which extended to the whole field of policy, and in particular was related to deep disagreements over the attitude to be taken to the British working class. Such a deep split does not exist today, nor is it likely to occur. Nevertheless a lot of effort and money is being spent on this and similar campaigns, substantial support could be won, and this could crystallise a stronger, more vigorous and aggressive right-wing movement than has been seen in Britain since the thirties.
That is why two events should be carefully noted: -1) The reception given to the Glosters when they marched through Bristol recently. after a tour of duty in Ireland. They had celebrated their last night in Belfast by going on a rampage, and terrorising the inhabitants of Divis Street Flats. The Bristol middle class turned out to applaud them warmly. The Guardian reported that Anti-Internment League leafleters who tried to present an alternative viewpoint were openly attacked. Middle class suburbia thus links hands with the brutalised Glasgow Orangemen, a mixture which is not only unsavoury, but which has dangerous historical precedents. 2) Craig's plans to hold a mass rally in Hyde Park on 29 April, followed by a campaign throughout Britain. This campaign will be a decisive one; if it succeeds the Tories will almost certainly take the decisions necessary to quell the present resistance in the North, decisions which will involve a great deal of suffering and bloodshed for the beleaguered minonity. This will also push them back onto the course of attempting to break the strength of the organised working class in Britain. It would be ill-advised to cry "fascism" at this stage but nevertheless this is a potential political development which cannot be ignored, and which means that the building of a solidarity movement with the struggle in Ireland is not only necessary to aid that struggle, it is more than ever before directly in the interests of the class struggle in Britain itself. time since the Black and Tan wars have the interests of the British and Irish workers been so closely linked.
THE ISC The Irish Solidarity Campaign's conference in Oxford on 29/30 April will play an important role in the building of such a movement. The ISC does not pose as the kind of mass movement which is required, but it can make a vital contribution by claritying the kind of programme which is required by such a movement. While striving for effective unity in action, on the broadest scale, IS will be trying to lay the basis for a more solid and continuous mass movement, which is based on an understanding of the situation; and which will not be deflected or dispersed by the twists and turns of British imperialism's policies in Ireland.
and Vietnam. They have been unable to grasp analyses of the Grundrisse and the oppression