ceasefire between Israelis and Palestinians or Arabs, nothing could actually be settled if things were to remain as they are. In this connection, Israel can be compared to Northern Ireland: the colonial essence of the State must be uprooted in order to solve the problem. And by Zionism we mean just these elements of the social and political make-up of the country and its ideology and not the mere matter of some more thousands of Jews immigrating to the Holy Land. Furthermore, the Zionist structure of the State implied from the very outset its dependence on Imperialism. So, Zionism, as we see it, is the essence of the problem. Therefore we advocate the de-Zionisation of Israel, which means the destruction of the quasi-colonial framework (2) This brings us to the second point: the danger of a mass pogrom on the Israelis. There is a very simple way of averting this danger: the mass participation of class-conscious Israelis in the anti-Zionist struggle, which is in fact necessary anyhow in order to de-Zionise Israel since the destruction of the capitalist structure and the forceful removal of the bourgeoisie and the labour bureaucracy cannot be effectuated without moving a large sector of the Israeli proletariat on the scene (you can't liberate people in spite of themselves). The workers struggle during the past years and recently ir Ashkelon which took the radical form of spontaneous workers committees has proved that it is possible (3) Here I cannot but express wonder at our reader's assumption! From the outset, Arab fellaheen in Palestine struggled against Jewish colonists who were oceupying the land which formerly belonged to them. The left-wing Zionist policy of not exploiting the natives actually aggravated the situation because it implied that the tenants had to leave the land purchased by the Jewish National Fund. The resistance of the fellaheen to Jewish colonisation (in contradistinction to the effendis who fed on land speculation) was the main motive for the successive Jewish military units in Palestine from Bar-Giora and Hashomer before 1914 to the post-World War I Hagana and the present Tsahal (army). This was Zionism in practice. As for the ideologists, not all grasped the implications of Zionism, but they all understood that their programme could only be accomplished with foreign military support (be it the Kaiser, the Sultan of the British Mandate). After all, settling Jews in Palestine in the teeth of the natives resistance is what Zionism is about, isn't it? (4) The 1948 war was a distorted expression of the basic antagohism between Zionist colonisation and the Arab masses. But Arab opposition never ceased from the beginning of the century and actually culminated in the Palestinian revolt of 1936-39 crushed by British imperialism helped by the Zionist militias. The plight of the refugees was a large-scale and violent version of the piecemeal evacuation of Arab tenants inherent in Zionist land policy. (5) Great-power intervention in the Middle East is motivated by the fear of revolutionary developments in the area. This underscores the fact that the importance of the Palestinian resistance is mainly political (radicalisation of the masses) and not military (they are but a minor threat to Israeli security). Therefore, revolutionaries must opposing the stationing Small ad. rates: 6d per word; minimum 4 issues, 5 per word; min. 8 issues, 4d per word.
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