concentrated on the detail of its provisions and attacking the new codified definition of what is a wog. Little attempt has been made to set the Bill in the overall scheme of a developing racism as the capitalists adjust to changing national and international economic pressures.
But the fact is that British capitalism has programmed its racism most care fully, and has introduced its repressive measures at precise three-yearly intervals over the last decade with a clockwork regularity, irrespective of changes of government. Interspersed with the Immigration Bills have been other repressive measures, such as the "White" paper, Race Relations Act and the formation of government agencies for attempting to control black dissent and diverting liberal outrage. Indeed, Labour's nationalisation of the entire Race Relations Industry (not a commanding height of the economy enabled Wilson to posture for a while as a friend of the blacks and provided a cover for his repressive measures in the same way as Powell's mouthings enable Heath to avoid extremes of criticism.
Immigration and Capitalism We must accept that whilst racism to an extent establishes its own dynamic, there are basic economic reasons for this situation. A certain bedrock level of immigration has always been of benefit to the capitalists because of its antiInflationary effect. But in periods of economic stagnation and high unemployment, such as we have now, immigration is no longer necessary to capitalism. Those sceptical about the likelihood of compulsory repatriation being introduced in the future should note that the number of white workers unemployed is now greater than the number of black workers employed. An increase in unemployment beyond the present level of three-quarters of a million, or indeed a stabilisa. tion at this figure for a long period, will inevitably fuel demands for deportation. It was necessary to allow the black population to develop to its present size before a "black problem" became sufficiently viable as a means by which the working class could be divided, and it is possibly for this reason that the black population has been allowed to grow beyond the level of actual economic need.
But the existence of large numbers of discontented and potentially militant black people in Britain has also become a threat to capitalism. Therefore they must be cowed by threats of expulsion and, failing that, expelled.
In this way the British experience has paral. leled that of developed Europe generally which has sucked in labour from its underdeveloped fringes and in some cases is taking steps now to reverse this process. Germany, for instance, is about to expel 40,000 Turks, euphemistically referred to as "guest" workers.
From Gaitskell to Wilson During the ten years in which this process has been taking place the whole area of public liberal debate on the race issue has travelled inexorably rightward in step with each next piece of legislation. It is a far cry from 1962 when the otherwise right-wing Hugh Gaitskell mounted a Parliamentary hue and cry over the Tories' first Immigration Bill and insisted on more ringings of the division bell than Harold Wilson has mustered for the Industrial Relations Bill. But since, there can be no doubt that Labour's ever-alert response to the economic dictates of British capitalism has done more to foster racism than has been done by the Tories. It is in this field more than any other that the final demise of the Labour Party as a liberal institution has been made clear. If the first half of socialist posturing, then the second half was used to throw off unseemly liberal hang-ups and to establish Labour as a right-wing party.
It would, however, be mechanistic to see the Bill and its predecessors only in terms of a response to the economic needs of the capitalists and in terms of a useful weapon with which to set worker against worker. The injection of racist impulses into the political body sets up processes which have their own momentum, taking actual circumstances as their base but travelling beyond the limits of any precise need. We should remember that the Tories are racists. It is part of their life style and training. a cultural and ideological fix, and we can therefore expect them to take measures which are not justified in their entirety by reality.
Immigration Bill?
For this reason, the present Bill needs some special explanation beyond that given above. For a start, the Bill is a misnomer. The truth is that there is no significant immigration taking place at the present time, and the Bill is not justified in terms of curbing the number of blacks coming here. It is not an Immigration Bill. In every year since 1966 the number of permits issued to immigrants from the so-called "new Commonwealth" has been less than 5,000, of which approximately half are estimated to come into the doctor/dentist category. Last year only 2,000 black workers came here. So, at the present rate, the number of black workers would only increase by around 20,000 in ten years. Of course there is immigration of dependants (mainly in respect of previous immigrants who came when there were less tough restrictions; this figure reduces annually and will soon tail off in direct relationship with current and any future immigrants). Current alienwhite-immigration is running at around ten times the figure for blacks. After allowing for some dependants later joining the work force, it is clear that in future years there will be no significant increase in the number of black workers beyond natural increase. So we are forced back to the conclusion that, effective immigration having been halted by Labour, there is no real arithmetical need for this Bill. This is not to play the numbers game of the liberals, but a fact to remember before one can get behind this Bill to examine the real reasons for its introduction, which clearly have little to do with its ostensible purpose of cutting immigration. At this point we can underline this by saying that the Bill extends the right to come here free of work permit or voucher to a greater number not only of whites, but also of blacks, than have this right at the moment. It is estimated that there are for instance around 1,000,000 Anglo-Indians who will now be classed inadvertently as patrials and will have the same entry status as Canadian or Australian patrials). As the Bill is certainly not about Immigration control, we must look elsewhere for its purposes.
What is the Bill really about?
Firstly, the Tories wish to codify and consolidate Labour gains in this field and establish with the electorate an equal record in black bashing. Secondly, they have an ideological and spiritual need as a party to satisfy their own internal urges raising the demand that the Bill should be and racist lust, particularly in terms of Heath's leadership manoeuvres with regard to Powell. Thirdly, the Tories have a message that they wish to communicate loud and clear to black workers in this country-that they should keep out of industrial militancy; thus the Bill should be considered jointly with its bedfellow, the of this measure makes it possible for them (or Labour) to pass the next measure in this series.
One other additional factor in Tory calculations guaranteed right to stay for more than one is pressure from Common Market capitalists.
With their own adequate supplies of cheap labour from European semi-colonies, they have Europe via Dover. Indeed, the Tories are lying Bill is intended to remove the distinction between aliens and Commonwealth citizens.
Far from reducing black immigration to the level of that of aliens, it will reduce it below place. Under the Treaty of Rome there are provisions, irrespective of nationality, for Eurofor jobs in different countries (thus averaging down European wage rates). If Britain were to ratify this aspect of the Treaty, it would mean that European workers would have a superior preference over New Commonwealth-nonpatrial-aliens (blacks for short), as far as work permits are concerned. Revolutionaries should not find themselves in the position of complaining that white workers from Europe will have a better right to come here and do the shit shovelling and scab jobs than blacks, but this can be instanced both as a further installathe way in which the Common Market capitalists are exerting pressure on the British prior to already here. entry.
Whereas the provisions of the Bill will not affect large numbers of future immigrants, it is important to consider the flip side of these measures. Every measure against a future immigrant will affect the working conditions and racial climate, not to mention the nature of police repression, under which black workers here at the moment will live. This is another Tory con, because we see the Bill's unwritten consequences will bear down principally on existing black workers. And there is the constant knowledge of the likelihood of the Bill's provisions being actually extended to cover all black workers, irrespective of when they came here. But here again there is a difficulty because the main provisions of the Bill do not appear in the Bill. The government has taken powers to slacken the Bill (if more workers are needed) by adjusting the regulations with regard to work permits being granted. It has also taken powers to repatriate. Repatriation decisions can be made by Government fiat according to regulations to be made "from time to time". This means in effect that repatriation is outside the scope of Parliament. Of course we should have no illusions that Parliament would not back any Tory or Labour repatriation proposals. The purpose of making this an administrative rather than legislative matter is to prevent the development of black protest, by making Government wishes immediately effective. We should not overlook the fact that a form of compulsory/voluntary repatriation already exists, both for those who break the law and for those who fall foul of the Social Security goons, who by withdrawing benefit can coerce black workers into being repatriated. It is intended that Social Security should continue to have this function and be armed with new powers as yet unspecified. Liberals who are amended to transfer the registration procedures from the pigs to the SS are here falling into a trap. A situation could develop where unemployed blacks would not claim their unemploy. ment pay for fear of being processed out of the country.
In the Bill there are many factors which will The high cost of a passage from India or Jamaica is not a sensible proposition without a year. Questions as to what happens when a boss goes bankrupt and this year is shortened have not been answered. In any case, the large no wish to see blacks entering the back door of numbers of unemployed make it almost certain that the government will not be issuing many through their teeth when they contend that the work permits; these are conditional on there not being suitable alternative local labour available. At the moment the only categories where work permits might be granted are for au pair girls and doctors and dentists. In some categoriesthat level if entry to the Common Market takes domestic servants, for instance -there is no right to bring dependants at all, and in all other cases this right is conditional on an immigrant showing pean workers to have equal "rights" to compete he is able to support his dependants and provide suitable accommodation before they will be allowed here. We may see a situation where a black postman is denied the right to bring his wife and six kids because his wage is inadequatr to keep them. It is highly unlikely that new immigrants will be able to show this ability as their very situation will force them into low-paid jobs and high-cost, special ghetto type accommodation; building societies and council housing lists will not be open to them, as they will be unable to show they are going to be here long enough to acquire a mortgage or a tion of the racist nature of the legislation and of high enough place on the monster waiting lists, which are often in any case rigged against blacks Under the new act the ability to arrest at will a whole social group, including young blacks, will be extended to all black people. Powers of arrest will exist if any thick fuzz ".. with reasonable cause suspects that a person may have committed or attempted to commit an offence..." under the new laws. So, if you're black you could be an illegal immigrant. As it is an offence to assist anyone to break the laws, you could be arrested if a black guy with or without your knowledge overstays his permit and sleeps under your roof for a few nights. It will be dangerous for black people to visit the seaside, as this is where illegal immigrants land. Racists making malicious calls to the police to identify their neighbours as suspected illegal immigrants will be in their element, and the police will be only to happy to take up such "information". It is here that the passes come in. To avoid spending a few days in the nick whilst enquiries are made at the Home Office to prove that you are not overstaying a permit, it will be very wise to carry papers proving that your work pass has not expired or that you came here some years ago before the restrictions. It is those blacks who have been here for some years that have the most difficult problem for they have to prove a negative in order to go free. They have to prove that they are not illegal immigrants and that they have a right not to prove they have a job with boss X in town Y. Virtually the only documentation that will satisfy is a passport, bearing a date of entry.
All these provisions in the Bill point to an urgent necessity: it is vital for all revolutionary groups to organise together with black organisations and thwart the operation of the law. Unit United fronts like the Black Defence Committee have a crucial role to play in a situation where racism could increase very rapidly. We would therefore urge all revolutionary groups and individuals to help increase the weight of this committee and make it a strong anti-racist force.
The Black Defence Committee, 182 Pentonville Road, London N. 1. 01-837 6954