IMGpapers 1968–75

Newspapers of the International Marxist Group and its forerunners, 1968–75

THE STRUGGLE MUST BE EXTENDED

The Red Mole Broadsheet issue, Factory Occupations special issue · p. 2 of the scan · 883 words

The scan: bs7-factory-occupations.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

Uncorrected machine reading. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from a scan of a newspaper page, and the page was cut into articles by machine, at the headlines found by their type size. Nothing has been corrected: expect misread words, text from a neighbouring article, and titles that are the machine reading of the headline, some of them only fragments. Quote from the scan, not from this page.
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page 2 of the scan

It only 400 immediately, mostly white-collar and staff.

Alisation", proposed. "revolution", defeat. and that they don't need bosses. possible a) because a worker owned US cannot be viable within a surrounding hostile capitalist environment; b) it cannot be achieved without bringing the workers into direct conflict with the law (i.e. the state); and c) private capital for this "illegal" venture would not be forthcoming. If the shop stewards committee-which has discussed "municipa, workers' marketing teams, etc.—wishes to provoke this kind of confrontation at this stage, then it has to do a number of things very urgently. It must explain to a mass meeting of all the men involved the implications that have just been outlined, and what they must do to prepare themselves for this. For it should be recognised from the start that to jump from workers' control (which leaves the bosses in ownership to a position of workers' self-management (workers' ownership) involves a physical seizure of the yards in which the workers would have to defend their claim to ownership by use of arms against the retaliation of the state. A successful confrontation of this kind involves at the very least a general strike before it can be seriously The Communist Party, which effectively controls the committee, would not seriously envisage this kind of perspective even if it were correct to do so at this stage. It can only be concluded therefore that the work-in has been conceived as a protest which they imagine will by itself make the Government back down, while enthusiasm for the work-in is buoyed up by talk of an Upper Clyde Shipbullders Unlimited. On the other hand, the C.P., whether they recognise it or not, have embarked the workers on the road to workers' self-management, the logic of which, if this course is purstied, leads to a conflict with the state, before the men are prepared for this politically or organisationally. If the men attempt a major reorganisation of the yard, the sale of equipment, set up new ships, etc, then, should the state respond by the use of force, the C.P. would almost certainly back down, and this could start the process of A DILEMMA: WORK-IN OR GENERAL STRIKE This short discussion brings us on to the whole question of tactics, strategy and demands. The establishment of control in the yards that has been achieved so far is an absolutely tremendous step forward. But the question of whether the men should continue to work is a tactical question which is determined by the demands which you wish to raise. So far no demands have been raised. If the work-in isn't? tactic that flows from a series of demands, what does it flow from?

As we pointed out, to consider a work-in as a long-term strategic aim is to raise questions of conflict with the state which few will have considered. From what can be gleaned from the statements of the shop stewards committee, the work-in is aimed not as a sanction applied to win a series of demands, but as a demonstration that the workers are determined they shouldn't lose their jobs, that the Tories are trying to viciously butcher their yards, etc. This is a very powerful way of demonstrating these things. It also breaks the ideological hold of the bourgeoisie over the working class for a long enough period of time for the working class elsewhere to see that workers can run industry The gains that would be made from a work. without provoking a revolutionary confrontati only be relatively short-lived) at the level of de have to be weighed against the possible confus flow from a work-in. By doggedly continuing t workers may come to think that this magically they will be working in future; that all they ha win is work. The opposite might very well be t has to be carefully considered. Because a work power of sanction over the bosses.

That a work-in doesn't really hold sanction: bosses is easy to see. Both Benn and Smith (th have made it clear that they are happy to see t working. They get the ships finished on time, 1 overtime working, and with no labour disputes ways a work-in plays into the hands of the Liq men go on producing ships which are sold to p lists at a profit, and the men are given redunda The shop stewards committee then has to find pay the redundant workers after they have wo: selves out of a job. This money would have to the trade union movement or from pooled was other workers in the yard. Thus, the workers a poorer while the capitalists get richer! This cle: resemble workers' self-management as we've de above. At the same time, because the Liquidati the wages, all he has to do in order to wreak ha plans of the shop stewards committee, is to an x number of men will be sacked on date y. He that this will mean that the shop stewards will their energies raising money to pay the wages c men, perhaps at a crucial point in time.

FOR A SCOTTISH GENERAL STRIKE Ultimately, the only effective means of defeati is to build a general strike in Scotland. This wo Tories very hard. If the Rolls-Royce plants wer

← UCS:WORKERS CONTROL ON CLYDESIDE →

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