The oppressive feudal regime in Ethiopia has always enjoyed a good reputation in the "free world. The reason is not difficult to fathom: ever since the days of the "Scramble for Africa", the interests of the feudal regime and those of imperialism have coincided.
The imperialist mass-media would • rather cover up the facts than expose the tottering regime in the eyes of the world public. The unprecedented struggle - of the Ethiopian Student Movement since Febuary this year has, for example, received only passing mention. The struggle of the labouring masses is barely noticed. Asked why he did not report what he observed, a BBC correspondent in Addis Abeba replied that he would be "kicked off" if he reported accurately.
Ethiopia is often portrayed as a country with a glorious tradition of a rich and enduring civilisation. There is much to the picturesque medievalism of kings and queens lies the overwhelming reality of the misery of the people who have borne the burden of this pageantry. It is this dismal story of the hardships suffered by the vast majority that needs to be told.
Politically, Ethiopia remains a despotism. Power is exclusively held by the feudal nobility, presently headed by Haile Selassie. No political parties are allowed. Freedom of expression is non-existent. The only similarity the parliament bears to a democratic institution is its name. Members of the upper house are personally appointed by an emporer who is free to overrule any decisions by the lower house. The prime minister and cabinet re imperial appointees Economically, Ethiopia is an undeve loped country, standing low among the poorest countries. The per capita income is estimated to be between US $35 and $50. When allowances have been made for the incomes of the feudal nobility, the peasants' income is much below subsistance level. Periodic famines are ramant throughout the countryside; annual y at least one province suffers severe starvation. 90% of the population is engaged in agriculture. Modern manufacturing industries make up 2% of the total economy. One crop, coffee, accounts for between one-half and two-thirds of the total value of exports. Due to the extravagant luxury consumption, incompetence and corruption of the ruling clique, the country has been suffering from a rapidly growing trade deficit which has reached such proportions in 1969 that it threatens collapse of the national econom though the country's economic potential is considered great, the overwhelming majority of the population exist under miserable conditions. The situation in health is appalling. The infant mortality rate is among the highest in the world: between 50% and 60% of the newborn children die in the first two and a half years after birth. Of the 25,000,000 Ethiopians, approximately 10 million live in malaria-infested areas. Death from malaria alone is estimated at 20,000 people yearly. Leprosy, tubercu losis, syphilis, typhus, small pox, and a other diseases are rampant throughout the country. To meet the requirements of public health, there is one hospital bed for every 3,500 people and one doctor for every 100,000. The maj ority of these are in Addis Abeba, caterin in the field of education, the situation is equally dismal. A UNESCO study shows that between 95% and 98% of the thiopian population is illiterate. Onl % of the school-age children attend school; the education of these children is unsurpassed in mediocrity 'he autocratic regime bears full res ponsibility for the devastated economic and social life of the nation. The imperial family and the feudal nobility own some 65% of the land and the State Church holds 20% of the most arable land. A tenant by law has to surrender 75% of his crop yield to the landlord. In addition to all this, the peasant is required to pay income tax, "health tax", "education" tax, and other forms of imperialist capital, and the US's economic hold on Ethiopia is increasing in leaps and bounds. A New York Times, January 17, 1969, report celebrated this in he following terms:
Dozens of American businessmen have already discovered Ethiopia, from a bool book-store to a $100 million potash min ing project, from a spice firm to two of the world's largest oil companies. More than 200 American companies also have agencies in Ethiopia. Among the reasons: one of Africa's most liberal investment policies, generous duty-free and taxexemption provisions, special laws pro tecting US firms against expropriations and vast potential in agriculture, indus try and mining.
The ruling class, with Haile Selassie at the head, have not only leased Ethiopia to US imperialism, but also turned the ountry into a base for the neo-colonisa cion of the entire African continent Ethiopia hosts the largest US military "assistance" to Africa. The USA has one of its most important military bases in Ethiopian soil-despite the resolution of OAU (whose headquarters are in Addis Abeba) asking all member states to remove all foreign military bases. One of the largest contingents of US Peace Corps Corps is unfolding its task of cultural ag gression. The US Military Assistance Advisory Group (MAAG), the Mapping Mis sion, Point Four and other "AID" pro grammes testify to the firm imperialist hold on Ethiopia. No wonder, then, that downs between East and West is in the naking in Ethiopia. Upon its outcom nay depend whether the US loses Afri ca. The US must stand behind those who have supported it in the past-in this case Emperor Haile Selassie.
Emperor Haile Selassie was once again in Washington from 7th to 11th July 1969 to barter away the sovereignty and wealth of the country.
THE POPULATION LIBERATION Feudal oppression and imperialist exloitation has not gone unchallenged Sven since the return of Haile Selassie from his sanctuary at the end of the Italian occupation in 1941, there have been a number of rebellions against his regime. Several patriotic forces, who fought the Italian occupation by guerrilla warfare, especially in Gojjam and Tigre provinces, opposed the return of the feudal regime. These were crushed mainly by British imperialist forces, the guardians of the regime at that time. Innumerable patriotic leaders were hunted and exterminated. Several peasant uprisings opposing excessive taxes and expropriation of their land-notably in Gojjam (1945), Ogaden (1948), Sidamo (1960)—were met with ruthless bombing and the eradication of whole villages.
During the last eight years armed peasbe proud of in this heritage. But beneat tained peasant struggle has been waged since 1962 in Eritrea, Bale, and Borana. The province of Gojjam has again taken up arms against the regime. Other uprisings are under way in Arussi and Harrar.
Workers have also struggled against their exploitation. While prices-especi ally. of food and clothing are soaring, wages have barely increased (in fact, in some places they have decreased by as much as 12%). In 1963 two workers were murdered in cold blood -hile conducting peaceful demonstrations for better wages, and last year 20,000 workers in the Dutch-owned sugar monopoly plant at Wonji seized their factory when their demands were not met.
THE STUDENT MOVEMENT Resolutely opposing feudalism and imperialism, the Ethiopian students have been in the forefront of these struggles during the past years. In launching the slogan "Land to the Tiller", in demonstrating solidarity with the working masses, in opposing maltreatment of the poor and unemployed, in fighting against
The Blaci explosives was directed at the front of