ESTABLISHED 1817 VOL. 14 No. 20 SUUU MIRIN STRIGGIE. RHODESIA TLINISIA CONGOMENFFI
and build it into the real structure of English politics. The initial signs are moderately sing and the most important work for laying the basis to such a strategy, the mobilisation of he Irish working class, has already started and is described in our report on the ICRSC.
Northern İreland is in part a positive advance for the bourgeoisie both Catholic and Protestant. By rationalising the political structure of the North and ridding it of its extreme archaism it will allow and International Capital. But this modernisation contains two dan possibility of a permanent split within the Unionist ruling group and the possibility of the who have been mobilised on the issue of Civil ed on class lines.
umber of splits did develop within the Unionist bloc, the clearest example of which was the between O'Neill, the ex premier of the North and Paisley, the quasi Fascist religious leader.
division was papered over in April by an agreement with Paisley made while in prison with ill's choice for his successor, Chichester-Clark. Paisley supported Chichester Clark for premier eturn for an amnesty. Clearly revolutionaries in the North must do everything they can to k open the all-class alliances among the Protestants.
hoed by the ICRSC in England where the Irish proletariat outnumbers that in Ulster itself.
iD strategy of posing class demands within a militant middle-class movement is about to be 1. After the march in Strabane on Saturday, 28th June, they made clear their differences with tholic Nationalists and a debate has opened within the Civil Rights movement. PD are in a position as their newspaper has just come out and Bernadette is back in Ulster. Strong ughts in Northern Ireland could advance an the Vietnam Campaign has done. In g of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign to the • period of militant action. Although a lot of rawn from abroad there was a period of mass the fact that the numbers mobilised have always been a small cats. But the experience of these actions have still left us without a fact remains that despite the chronic post-imperial financial crisis, the and Powellite racialism, there is no political contradiction in England which rity to develop. There is now no dominant issue which is acting as a focus He bat Dwarf reported on Cinema Action and this issue reports Poster Workshop. and generating militant non-sectarian politics. New forms of struggle have gle have been brought back to life by the squatters and the rent strikes and acy is now better organised and more political. But as far as open revolutionary erned we are still in the position of having to support and follow events elsewhere. eland is far enough away for there to be open class struggle, but close enough for i nd into the history of the class structure of England. Westminster, a large chunk of tal, and more important, a significant sector of English workers are all deeply involved.
of the campaign, among both the Irish and the English, can bring home the fact that it is a ruling class and their cousins in Ireland who are the enemy; not just as landowners or ent, but as the political representatives of capitalism. So the solidarity campaign that has ached and been given strong support by two English groups, IS and RSSF, must attempt it the character of the campaign away from the traditional dependence on solidarity actions , both North and South to co-operate better with each other and more important with gers to the bourgeoisie Rights becoming permanently demands of People's Democracy for houses and jobs, as well as votes, holds out the second of the Civil Rights campaign as far as the bourgeoisie in Ireland and Westminster are the birth of a permanent non-sectarian working class movement. And PD's demands for Chichester-Clark to attack them openly and to be joined by the Thompson empire's The Protestant ofigarchy has called on the Catholic Liberals and Tories to stop Ing to the Rights movement has now polarise ight instead of allowing Chichester-Clark two peaceful yea Vill be much easier to demonstrate their class rol Unionists. As they have successfully helped to build up a mass PD would be foolish to throw it away. They must fight to win it fearing, indeed they should encourage, attacks from the idealogues of greet The solidarity movement in England faces more difficult and very stem in part from the confusion in Northern Ireland. First, as our report dis . revolutionary programme, in other words there is no equivalent with the V.S.C.'» demand fo Victory to the N.L.F.' This is not in itself a drawbac advantage as it demands explanation and analysis which involve discussing issues that are very clos to home. But the very general nature of the demands, for votes, jobs and houses, must not become an excuse for depoliticising the Campaign.
There are two ways in which this could happen.
nd discussed at length. The Dwarf would welcome a comrade from the campaign who do this is a valid position to start the discussion rolling. Further the Solidarity campaign has alread runs the danger of preventing the growth of any putting forward. As Martin Shaw argues, necessary and it will not come about if the general demands are allowed to dominate the internal ampaign. Again this is not a criticism of these demands in the present situation, except that nust be made clear that the solidarity campaign is committed to a united workers and Farmer Socialist Republic. But we can see all too easily how with general slogans on its banners the campaign may descend in its national mobilisations, to general head counting in place of striking at political targets. P.D. should be the model in this matter. They have not flinched from battle with when that sectarian torce decided to demonstrations which might bring it into conflict with the Paisleyites. The solidarity campaign will be judged, in England as in Ireland, not by its slogans but by its actions. with smaller meetings and groundwork organisation is laying the basis for a successful Campaign. Its broadsheet, the critical support it gave to the NICRA attendance at that rally, the RSF's special paper and the discussions among groups which has already produced a number of special magazines and 500 for P.D. sent by Manchester and Norwich Student Unions, all show that there is tremendous interest and popular support for the civil rights movement. The Irish in England and the English youth who support them know well the record of bloody English repression in Ireland and the fact that there is a great tradition of insurrectionary opposition in Ireland of which the Civil Rights movement is a part. Thus the Irish issue creates the demand for a thorough theoretical and political understanding of the class nature of power in this country as well as in Ireland itself and does so in a way intimately connected with the desire for militant action and mass struggle. This political militancy, which is of tremendous importance to us in this country at the present moment must not be squandered: either by pandering to it and forgeting the difficult tasks of polemic, or by frittering it away in rallies and marches that go from nowhere to nowhere.
tion without pestions which mes, it does not have in fact it is in some ways a positive volutionary because it cannot be granted. This is a very dubious position and should be argue put them down. Nor has it avoided The strategy that the CRSC has followed so far, large meetings with Bernadette, followed up rally in Trafalgar Square and the the student base