comparitive ease with which Marial Law could be re-imposed.
In East Pakistan the situation was radically different. Here too the mass of the people lived in the countryside, but there were to bie differences. peasant-proprietors (the landlords, who* had been Hindus, had left in 1947) and patient, political work had been carried out by Maulana Bhashani and other peasant leaders. As a consequence the peasant was faced mainly by government oppression in the form of rent-collectors and West Pakistani civil servants. When the movement got under way the peasants seized and burnt a number of police stations, expelled a few rent-collectors and set up their adminstration. The odd basic democrat was also killed. The reports which were, however, prepared and distributed by the government and spoke of murders and rivers of, blood", have no foundation in reality. If more than a few people had been killed we would have expected to see grisly photographs or ceremonial burials of the victims. This has not happened, and there can be little doubt that reports were wild exaggerations used to justify an army take-over But even if the peasants were on a rampage it would have been the duty of every revolutionary to support them. In fact the situation in East Pakistan did resemble to a certain extent the situation in the Chinese countryside the twenties and thirties. At that time, so-called peasant 'excesses" used to frighten the middle-classes, and sometimes even those who were part of the revolutionary movement. Commenting on this, Mao remarked in his celebrated report on the Peasant movement in Hunan (1927) that:
"The peasants' revolt disturbed the gentry's sweet dreams. When the news from the countryside reached the cities, caused immediate uproar among the gentry ... From the middle social-strata upward to the assesments by the Dwarf's Asian Bureau.
Pakistan is very low. Present leader: General Yahya Khan. fluctuating.
Extreme right-wing, wither away and its membership will join one of the other parties. POLITICAL PARTIES As there has not been a single General Election in Pakistan it is difficult to gauge the political strength of the parties listed below. The estimates are therefore based on 1. THE PAKISTAN ARMY Has emerged over the last decade as the most powerful of Pakistani parties, mainly due to the fact that it is well-disciplined and well-organised. Its base is lumpen-feudal and its rank-and-file is paid extremely well - hardly surprising as 80% of the country's budget is devoted to its maintenance. It is strong in West Pakistan, but its membership in East 2. CIVIL SERVICE OF PAKISTAN Has ruled country since 1947, though from October 1958 was forced to share its power with Pakistan Army then led by Ayub Khan. Some of its most experienced cadres were trained by the British and served with them. The lessons they learnt are faithfully handed down to the newer members of the elite. Most of its cadres are from the Punjab, which explains anti-Punjabi feeling in the rest of the country. Its base strongly middle and aspiring middle-class. What it lacks in salaries it makes up by its powers to grant export and import licenses and sanction development areas etc. Hence not distinguished for shortage of money. Like the army little support in East Pakistan. Leadership: constantly 3. JAMAAT-I-ISLAMI fanatical Muslim party. Opposed the establishment of Pakistan; hence has been unable to win much support but organised efficiently despite its small membership (mainly petit-bourgeois). Financed quite blatantly by the CIA and pays its cadres well. Has recently pledged to make Pakistan another Indonesia and massacre every socialist on sight. Is reported to have supporters in higher ranks of the police. In a General Election would not win more than 5 or 6 seats nationally. Leader: Manalan Mandoodi.
4. CONVENTION MUSLIM LEAGUE Ayub's party, consisting of opportunist politicians, businessmen, and landlords who joined the party as an insurance policy. Unless revived and taken over by Yahya it will