other hand, the Western there had been numerous i, react favourably to the last few years in • arous arucies 1e nave spoken or and of the liberalisation of the Balkans.
At first sight, then, this rather musual agreement between left and right would seem to indicate that something is amiss in family system and village The features of society which Castro, and more importantly, the Yugoslav student protesters of Tune this year, criticise, and which The Economist praises, are the growth in importance of the Prais sector of tne economy and the trend towards autonomy of industrial enterprises. On the face Praodills. of it Yugoslavia does seem to be The YCP itself had been egressings but howeve important these trends are, they must be evaluated in the context of the development of Yugoslav numsm and of the system of vorkers self-management (WSM). The success or failure of techniques WSM will determine whether socialism is achieved or is blocked the 1948 oy rcacuon.
Historical Development The origins of decentralisation during the revolution. must pe traced to Yugoslav societ fore World War II Yugoslavia was formed as a nation after the First World War as an amalgamation of Balkan nation states, whose past history was one of bounties and administraties extreme instability, of changes imposed by percen ine Austro-Hungarian ind Turkish Empires.
tue ald or kussia. During the late 19th century The instrument of revolution was Tito's partisan movement which insurrections against imperialist waged guerrilla campaigns against oppression, and there arose the Nazi invaders and two rightdeep-seated distrust of central especially among the peasantry, a wing Yugoslav groups, the Croat by the fragmentary nature of the authority, which was reinforced were materially aided by both the under Mihailovic. Ustashi and the Serbian Chetnicks The Partisans Western allies and later by Russia, but remained independent of Nationalistic schisms continued the influence of a strong extended after 1919, and in the rural areas outside control, largely because of the nature of the fighting. Tito emerged during the fighting as the These anti-centralist sentiments and traditions of resistance autonomy was slow to decline. Himmler said of his military Yugoslavia. His enemy natural leader of the future Heinrich nfluenced the partisan struggle Tito's in Germany, men who were wish we had a dozer the leadership of the Yugoslav of World War II, for, although Leaders and had such resolution Communist Party had grown up and good nerves that, even though they in the industrial districts, the would never give in? It is we caried, they majority of the partisans were important however not to copy the fault of many influenced by anarcho-syndicalist ideas, especially durine the as if the social background and Spanish Civil War, as well as specific experiences of the YCP Stalinist centralism, and this helped it to adapt to guerrilla It was natural that Tito and the Thus the situation leading up to other political leaders, who had received their initial training in split from the Russia, should look in that Cominform must be seen as direction for a model of the laving its roots in pre-Communist rugoslavia and in the struggle incipient communist Yugoslavia, but the seeds of decentralisation had been sown and were soon to bear fruit. From the start in terms of the uniqueness of the Communist takeover in that society can be understood partially dependent upon Russia, indeed she continued to receive Marshall Aid from the US. country. Unlike much of Eastern Europe, where Communism was forces, the Yugoslav revolution the liberating Soviet By 1948 the rift between Stalinism and the Yugoslav was carried out largely without Yugoslavia was expelled from the Communists was irreparable and Cominform. I wo years later sne embarked upon a programme of economic and administrative reform, based upon decentralisa tion and the institution of WSM. tion.
• Market Socialism' • Since 1950 there has been a change of emphasis from a economy was in crisis. planned to a market economy, from state control towards increasing autonomy for the CHICLOrISe.
The anti-centralist forces were based upon a recognition of the energy consumption).
evils and inefficiencies of rigid bureaucratic control. and the reforms of 1950 to 1965 were an attempt at the democratisation of living increased by 247 restricted largely to within the we cconomy. In this role of planning has bee process th wages rose only by 10% Unemployment enterprise, and the economy has Decome one of market socialism'. unemployment. It is socialist because of direct democratic control of socially owned property, but its market the reliance upon in transport, enterprises, may restrict these This was justified by socialist features In the official Chinese view WSM merely involves a change from a ditterent market party bureaucracy bureaucracy, but this is to ignore to a managerial - very ical power or th workers Councils, and the rea gains of socialist democracy.
However, it is also claimed that the system is efficient as well as just. Weight was given to this claim by the high level of industrial production which increased on average by 15% annum between 1950 and 1961, but the heavy capital investment helped this increase. advantaged advantaged' sectors of By the beginning of the 1960's industry; and between the the time was judged ripe for developed and underFurther measures of decentralisa developed areas of the The reforms of 1961 and 1963 virtually abolished state COLLECE planning. By 1964 however, the Their argument was that decentralisation of economic pi has gone too far and that cent.
The oligopolistic and monopolistic behaviour of the now autonomous co-ordination is still necessary prevent inefficiency and inequa enterprises led to problems of This, however, is not an attack indairy into as mes ced by in upon the system of WSM, whi must remain as the basic instrument of democratisation Nor are they demands for a State intervention to raise prices bureaucratic form of central arbitrarily was necessary, with the Praumlag.
sun at during 1964 th cost of While democratisation of the planning What is needed is the rose and continues Process itself, that is a system to rise, e.g. in 1967 there was whereby the pian stems from 6%o unemployment and 3% partial below, but once agreed upon is executed from above.
This period also saw the The mechanisms for such a encouragement of the private system already exist. At the catering and the tourist industry. small-scale building, system of one chamber elected that competition would prove a the argument direct suffrage, and another representing producers, electe spur to the public sector, but in rough the Workers' Counci cality private enterprise serves a nus a return to planning wou not require the establishment new centres of power, but the June 1968 were directed largely against these features, The signs from Yugoslavia on of planning and the reappear- Le. the effects of the decline this subject not dramatic. The students are encouraging if ance of exploitation by private demands were met by an increas enterprise. The students were in the minimum legal wage, by a protesting against the growth tightening up of regulations of material inequalities; inequalities between workers and management, between workers and private entrepreneurs, between workers in Perhaps 1969 will see a trend back to socialist planning.
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The uniqueness of Yugoslav Yugoslavia was never completely
sector of the economy, principally commune, republic and federal levels of government there is a
The student protests during enlargement of the existing ones
concerning private enterprise an‹ by promises to investigate other