In one of J. B. Priestley's time- pre-1920 British Marxist groups, and plays, the characters pull themselves replacing them with a good deal of out of the rut of their previous exis- made-in-Moscow nonsense, such as tences by a supreme act of will. They the theory of 'social-fascism' to exchange their lives for the better- plain the Labour Party, and the but they feel rather cold, small remarkable programme For Soviet lonely, like men 'suddenly born into Britain (1935). a strange new world. Following the 7th and last World Similar feelings are currently grip- Congress of the Coramunist Interping the British Communist Party, national in 1935, and the turn to a whose condemnation of the Soviet popular policy, the party invasion of Czechoslovakia is its first gradually cast aside, not only the serious public disagreement with thi nonsense. but also everything that CPSU. After 48 years, the world is had ever made it a revolutionary suddenly strange and new for the party.
British communists. Some things, to be sure, it cast The party has violated its deepest aside temporarily - but just long taboo. It is in a state of shock, But enough, and firmly enough, to realize just how big a shock it damage its standing in the eyes of its has given itself, we must study its allies on the Left. Thus, anti-fascism history. sent into cold storage between This is something the party itself October 1939 and June 1941 (i.e., has never been willing to do. Tom before Hitler's attack on the USSR; Bell's short history, published in and anti-conservatism was tem1937, Was bitterly attacked for its porarily in cold storage for several sectarianism by Allen Hutt, who months before 1945 general questioned the wisdom of any election, when the party was calling, 'separate History of the Communist not for a Labour victory over the Party at this stage'. Tories, but for a 'new National GovThat was 31 years ago. Since ernment. then, the zigs and zags in party Other fundamentals were cast aside policy have been still more for good. "Unofficial' industrial numerous, and more embarrassing, activity was curbed in the late than before. For new recruits, de- thirties, and the party has never tailed party history always begins at taken kindly to it since. Workers the last big turn, and what hap- councils, proletarian revolution, and pened before that is fed to them in the dictatorship of the proletariat the form of myths about heroes. All were abandoned in The British Road great. All, alas, dead. to Socialism (adopted in January Historical documents are grossly 1951). tampered with -as the two volumes But one thing the party had of Harry Pollitt's Selected Articles always held firm to: its unswerving and Speeches (1953-54) were silently lovely to the Soviet Union. And corrected in many places by their this, as King Street interpreted it, eidtor Emile Burns-to conform to meant supporting (in public, at any the current line. rate) everything said and done by Thus members are denied the whoever happened to be in power in data on which they might profitably the Kremlin at any given moment. question their leaders past wisdom, Now this last bastion has been infallibility, and devotion to the abandoned. Of the aims and prinBritish working class. ciples that brought the party into Now, the British CP spent its first being in 1920, not one Tomathe in 15 years "bolshevizing' itself. This anything resenabling its original entailed, among other things, ex- shape. punging all the traditions carried It's easy, and generally pointless, over into the new party from the to dream about what might have HARRY POLLITT been. If King Street and the Daily a bit further, and study its appalling Worker (as it then was) had taken history (and I mean appalling: only an independent line 12 years ago, at study its history, Comrades, and you the time of the Hungarian revolu- will be appalled, outraged, sickened) tion, the British CP might, just pos- may well ask: Since the CP has sibly, have developed into a serious junked its last remaining shibboleth. force on the Left. why shouldn't it take the logical But they have left it too late, these next step, and dissolve the aging leaders of an aging party. The altogether? young people who have been coming With the CP dissolved, its mem into Left-wing politics in the past bers would be free as individuals to few years regard the CP as a bit of go Rishtwards Leftwards. a joke, a bit of a nuisance, and a they chose. No doubt a lot of them bit of a bore. Neither what it says would feel at home in the Labour nor the way it says it seem to have Party. Others, freed from hatchetmuch relevance.. men breathing down their necks Young Marxists who carry this with warnings about disruptive elereasonably sceptical view of the CP ments, would join forces with their fellow-Marxists and, in due course, help build new revolutionary socialist party.
The British CP, it is now glaringly between the lions of Trafalgar apparent, should never have been Square; I bought your Black Dwarf. formed in the first place. Its histori- And read at the cal role has been to divert two "Letters" a letter of Mr. Rubinstein generations of British would-be with "orthodoxy" as a title. revolutionaries into a political fron- I wish this Mr. Rubinstein could tier guardpathetically incompetent have been with the groups of stuand ineffective-on behalf of the dents who met the Soviet leaders. occupying their factory (And We can't, of course, turn the clock don't talk about Paris where it was back to 1920. What we can do is the most spectacular). set our hands to the job that should A lot of workers weren't on strike have been done in 1920, but wasn't. for an importance of wages. And do this, perhaps, as sadder but syndicates said that, but the syndiwiser men cates had never called for a strike.
In due course a revolutionary When they were on their socialist party will take shape in Tactory and kept Britain. Communists, along with (because for reasons of security a other Marxists, could and should lot of factories can't be stopped be discussing its programme, like Electricity-controls, principles, and organisational refineries, and so on), they realised methods-and how it can be built. they could easily go without bosses If the British CP tries to stand and all the factory-police system.
the way of this necessary re- The factories have never groupment and reorientation of the clean and so well-kept. And there Left and (if I may so express it) this reawakening of the revolution- stockage (There was conscience in Britainthen any more). They realised they will speedily join the ILP in the could control the factories. ranks of the political fossils.
A lot of workers and particularly If. on the other hand, it makes in Renault thought about its first truly independent political than a rise in wages or a change act its last, it will have done some- of President of the Republic. thing to atone for half a century course because of the propaganda of theoretical decay and practical they were often talking misleadership. "Adventurists" and "pro-Chinese";
On the eve of the Russian revolu- but it doesn't matter when it's just tion Lenin called on social-democrats a question of words, they had al(as Marxists then styled themselves) most the same purposes (without to cast off the soiled shirt of their knowing it). hopelessly compromised, pro- In Renault they said they wanted imperialist - war, social - democratic a 1.000Fr. wage because they knew party label. Let real that the capitalist system couldn't five proudly acknowledge themselves as give it to them. Some communists. Lenin wrote. would have been ready to defend Fifty years later, the British their factory with weapons in case as such another channe So of fascist or CRS attacks, all over soiled, that no amount of washing the country. will restore it to its original shade Everywhere there were workers, of red. strikes appeared (Post-office, Better, dear Comrades tories, university-kitchen, and even Communist Party, to cast it away. the Folies-Bergeres). You can be And get on with the real work.
sure that for a lot of people there was the desire for social change.
For students it was quite certain: and a lot have discovered and wherever we can. It's difficult I'm a French student and 1 If they agree with the sentiments tell the results of this - doubti listened to you when you talked we express we ask them to write something on the paper. so that the leaflets are read and sink in a short time we have built up a the consciousness, but it's diffi chapter wall comments about the war and its magazine of passers by's positive way. ASSeSs the With this method feedback in wider implications. In a very short getting out where the pul time, we built up a living goes, we do have some posi indication of people's feeling ab newspaper that might say someworkers thing like this: the war, and also about oursel We also hope to run "The Vietcong are still fighting. "The Americans ought to go nights on overspil wh home and leave them alone. Kirc have nowhere to co in This has not been d evenino "If they want Communism let yet (mainly due to my own inc The them have it. It's no business of petencel) but should yet the yanks useful results when we do "Good luck to them, I say. around to it.
TOWn We are convinced in Manche working *i don't like them burning that the only way to build a st babies". political movement of support and so on. the Vietcong, with the overtone Petrol The political comment is often socialism in this country that at a fairly low level — but what position must imply, is to get w the hell, it's not a Marxist discusing-class support for the pol sion group, it's a newspaper made position of the VSC. No-one se been so up by the people themselves.
to have any clear idea of how If people disagree with the paper, we do this, but I think that in was a lot of problems especially of well then we talk to them and try chester we might have hit no traffic and show them why we're cam- fairly good idea. If people in paigning. Occasionally, you get a parts of the country have com really stroppy bugger who's just on how they're going about!! out to wreck what you're trying to should be very pleased to more do, but in general people who do from them. stop are willing to chat. David A.. Cin Of 1f seem genuinely Interested, we give them a leaflet MAO ON THE UNITED FROM about about Vietnam and ask them if we can send someone to their Trade Dear Comrades, Union, Youth Cub, school or what- I think the greatest lesson ever to speak to them. We sell learnt from July 21st is that booklets, NLF bags, papers and other one or two demos sur anything that we think that one, which WAC point might be interested in. Occasion- violent, will lose any suppor ally people join we had May have among ioin yesterday and some maccas workers financial donations from sympa- Therefore 1 think it imp thisers. Above all, we meet some that the whole Vietnam mov great blokes - shop stewards, old moves its emphasis fron d time socialists from the days of strations to canvassing mor the ILP. student activists, port so that it goes from str apprentices and young workers. to strength. We have showi fac- We take their names and addresses power lies in the street bu and intend to follow them up with is USELESS without the supp regular notification of VSC activity. the masses.
In doing this, we've learnt quite To those who were invol a few things that people elsewhere battles on July 21st, 1 quote might like to know. I know that a man Mao on the United Fri ot of VSC groups wonder what on Cultural Work:-
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BY i to be riter. Some day, ty of ca for the ta. Some day.: written. Some day, cy will fail to learn. al Secretary of the Com